Mirza Nasir Ahmad, the third successor of the community assumed power on 8 November, 1965. Mirza Mahmud had already chosen him as his successor. Members of Lahore Jamat specially Abdul Rehman had been alleging since 1935 the possibility of Mirza Nasir’s succession to the Qadian’s gaddi.
Born on 16 November 1909, in Qadian, Mirza Nasir graduated from the Government College, Lahore in 1934 and got higher education at Oxford. From 1939 to 1944 he was the principal of the Jamia Ahmadya, Qadian and afterwards the founder principal of Talim-ul-Islam College, Qadian. He took active part in preparation of separate Ahmadya memorandum for the Boundary Commission (1947). He was a member of the Organizing Committee of the Furqan Battalion which fought in Saadabad Valley during the Kashmir War (1948).
There were many juicy tales about his `colourful' career which one could hear from Ahmadi youths in the remote corners of Rabwah specially during the Annual Gatherings. Some stories are incredible, others too revolting, yet all of them are allegedly substantiated by a barrage of evidences. The day Mirza Nasir assumed power, the story-tellers went underground. Like his father, he unleashed the system of terror on his dissenting followers. His private armies of Khudam spied on the activities of Rabwahites and kept him informed of all that went on in and around his ‘empire’. He embroiled himself in politics and looked to his foreign masters for guidance and support.
Mirza Nasir Ahmad inherited a financial empire and an organized community of followers living in many parts of world. They all responded to the call of their head and were ready to contribute generously to Qadiani exchequer for propagation of their faith. A look at the organizational pattern and growth of Jamat in other parts of world will give an insight into the system which was painstakingly developed by Mirza Mahmud for personal ends.
Organization: The central organization of the community is represented by the Sadar Anjuman-i-Ahmadya which is composed of a Nazir-i-Ala (Chief Secretary) who acts a President and several other Nazirs (Secretaries) who are incharge of various departments. The Principal Nazir are i) Nazir Bait-ul-Mal (Secretary Treasury) ii) Nazir Amoor-i-Aama (Secretary General Affairs of the Organization), iii) Nazir Amoor-i-Kharja (Secretary dealing with Foreign Affairs and matter relating to other communities and the Government. iv) Nazir Talim-o-Tarbiyat (Secretary Education and training). v) Nazir Islah-o-Irshad (Secretary missionary works) vi) Nazir Talif-oIshaat (Secretary for compilation and publication. vii) Nazir Dhiafat (Secretary hospitality).
Besides these ministries there is an Advisory Council which Mirza Mahmud set up in order to give false sense of participation to his gullible disciples.
Majlis-i-Mushawarat: Mirza Mahmud established the Majlis (Advisory Council) of the Khalifa. It was set up in 1922. It is composed of elected and nominated delegates of the community. Total number of its members is not yet finally fixed, but is between 500 and 600. Roughly 75% of the members are elected by affiliated branches of Sadar Anjuman-i-Ahmadya (Central Organization) all over the country. The remaining members are nominated by the Khalifa himself to provide representation for such sections of the community as may not otherwise be adequately represented, or are invited to attend as individuals whose advice the Khalifa is desirous of obtaining. It usually meets once a year, or when required to discuss special issues. It tenders advice to the Khalifa, discusses annual budget, considers reports of the committee set up to analyse issue etc. but the decision of the Khalifa is final and has to be accepted. (Italics added).
Budget: A budget is prepared every year by Sadar Anjuman-i-Ahmadya containing estimates of receipts and expenditure for the ensuing financial year and is submitted by the Secretary Treasury to the Khalifa's Advisory Council before the end of current financial year. It is scrutinized by the Finance Sub committee of the Advisory Council and then recommended for sanction by the Council to the Khalifa with such modifications as the Council might wish to make. The Khalifa then directs the Economy Committee to further scrutinize the proposals for expenditure and finally sanctions the budget himself. Sanction for any extraordinary expenditure which has to be incurred during the financial year and for excess grants must be obtained as occasion arises from the Khalifa, but such extra or excess expenditure must, under the directions of the Khalifa be reported to the Majlis (Council) in its next session.Sectional Assosiation: Mirza Mahmud divided the whole community into different sections. There is women's association called the Lajna Imaullah (established in 1922) and Nasarat-i Ahmadya, an association of younger girls. The male members are divided into three organizations viz. Atfal-il-Ahmadya (Children between the ages of 9 and 15). Khudam-il-Ahmadya (Young men between 15 and 40) and Ansarullah (over 40 years).
Subscriptions: Mirza Mahmud paid special attention to build up the financial base for the Jamat. Every member is required to contribute a minimum of 6.25%, of his income to the funds of the Central Anjuman and quite an appreciable number contribute minimum of 10 percent. Apart from the compulsory contribution, there are several other contributions to different funds. Some zealots bequeath 1/10th of their movable and immovable property in favour of Sadar Anjuman Ahmadya, Rabwah to get a burial place in the Cemetery of Paradise.
Foreign Missions: Establishment of foreign mission was particular area of Mirza Mahmud's concern. He has two main bodies working under him at the he adquarter viz, Sardar Anjuman Ahmadya and Tehrik-i-Jadid Anjuman. All the missions outside Pakistan are run by the Tehrik-i-Jadid. This Department sends out missionaries with the approval of the Khalifa and looks after the problems and the needs of all the missions. To run the local organizations, the Missions elect their officers, i.e. President, Vice President and Secretaries for various duties. The Amir is directly appointed by the Khalifa, is his personal representative and is directly responsible to him alone. The Central Officers in a country form the Management Committee which is charged with the smooth running of the Mission.2
Financial Base: After the death of Hakim Nuruddin in March 1914 when Mirza Mahmud assumed power in Qadian, the total declared budget of the community was Rs. 2.2 thousand. It gradually increased and ran into millions in few years. The main factors which contributed to the expansionary activities of the budget were i) support of the British Government in the form of recruitment in the Army, lucrative jobs in civil service, special favours like sanction of construction and supply contracts, etc. (ii) Transfer of secret funds to Qadian to counter political movement in India and abroad. (iii) Income obtained from investments in various enterprises and from the estates. The British offered valuable Lands to them at nominal prices in Sind. Punjab and other parts of India. (iv) Placement of funds from foreign (intelligence) agencies.
The income from fixed and regular contributions was Rs.21,794 in 1913-14 which rose to Rs. 238,991 in 1923-24. It stood at Rs.274,576 in 1933-34 and at the time of the Second War (1938-39) it amounted to Rs.313,317. The regular contributions in post-Second World War period (1945-46) stood at Rs.740,404. After the Partition these contributions stood at Rs.638,398 in 1947-48 when Mirza Mahmud set up a center in Pakistan. In the next decade 1958-59, there was a sharp rise in the income and the total contribution was recorded at Rs.1,210,692. At the time of Mirza Mahmud's death these subscriptions shot up to about Rs.1.9 million showing a good contribution to the Ahmadya exchequer.3It may be clarified that these figures do not represent the real resource position of the Jamat.
African Missions: Mirza Mahmud targeted Africa since 1st World War. With the active support of British Imperialism, Qadianis set up their missions in its large part, Imperialist powers had an eye on Africa because nature has blessed this region with invaluable material resources. Its geographical location in the world globe carries strategic importance. These powers always contested with one another to extend their sphere of influence over this area. The British Imperialism, however, controlled a large part of Africa and exploited its resources for its colonial ends.
In early 50s, pressed hard by the force of national liberation movements, European colonials had to leave Africa, but neo-colonialism as system of Imperialists exploitation still exists in Afro-Asian countries. Adapting themselves to a changed situation and keeping young sovereign countries within the orbit of their economic domination and political influence and retaining indirect political and military control over many of them, the Imperialist countries hope to preserve the system of economic and political dependence.
Israel has acted not only as an outpost of Imperialism against the Arabs in the Middle East but it has also been used against the oppressed people of Africa. In this connection the modus operandi of Imperialism has been different. While in the Middle East Israel displays naked aggression and persists in the policy of occupation, in Africa the Imperialist sponsored Israeli moves have been more subtle, indirect and disguised. It offers technical and economic help to the under developed countries of Africa. Under this policy the Israelis, particularly in 1960s, established close economic and cultural relations with a number of newly independent African countries where there were pro-West governments in power. The Israelis gave `technical assistance' and even `economic help' to these countries, worked on the construction of roads, ports and educational institutions. In some of the countries the Israelis offered cooperation in the military field. Many Israeli military experts worked on African soil as "advisers" and many African countries sent their defense personnel to Israel for training. But the more significant aspect of Israeli incursions into Africa was its close collaboration with the racist regimes of South Africa and former Rhodesia. Israeli military expertise was available to them for suppressing anti-colonial and anti-apartheid liberation movements.
Qadianis have the full-backings of the Imperialist-Zionist lobby in Africa. They are their loyal and dependable agents. The Ahmadya Missions are stronghold of Imperialism and are involved in spying and strengthening the political and ideological influence of Israel in Africa. They work to make African countries Israel's political allies and mobilize support for Zionist aggression against the Arab states. Israeli Zionists seek entrance into African trade, social, political and religious circles with a view to subjecting them to their influence. Their main targets of attack are the African intellectuals, young people, trade unions, economic organizations and emerging political leadership. Qadianis had intimate relations and personal contacts with Israeli advisers, technocrats, military officers, diplomats and agents of Mossad. In Ghana, Ivory Coast, Nigeria and Sierra Leone Qadianis played a vital political role at the behest of Israel. In 1961, Mirza Mahmud declared. `God has preserved the countries of Africa for Ahmadyat. The future of Ahmadyat is closely linked with Africa.'5 As a result of it, Mirza Mahmud organized so-called missionary activities in Nigeria, Ghana. Sierra Leone, Liberia, Togoland, Ivory Cost and Gambia in West Africa and Kenya, Uganda and Tanganika and through them extended influence to Congo, Rhodesia and Nyasaland. In South Africa due to Government restrictions, they could not send a missionary from Rabwah but local Qadianis worked under the instructions of Khalifa.There was only one mission in London established in 1914 but in 1964 under Tehrik-i-Jadid there were 66 missions in 31 countries manned by 152 Qadiani missionaries - 69 were sent from Rabwah and 83 were natives.6 These missions operated in Britain, Spain, Switzerland, Scandinavia, British Guyana, Singapore, Borneo, Mauritius, Israel, Syria, Aden, Fiji, Holland, West Germany, Lebanon, Latin America, Ceylone, Malaysia, Indonesia and Africa. Total number of worship places were 291 in 1964 most of them were in Africa. There were 59 Ahmadya educational institutions with over 50% concentration in Africa. Three medical missionaries served in Nigeria and Sierra Leone. Mirza Mahmud gave special attention to the press as a vehicle to propagate Jamat beliefs in foreign lands. There were 17 papers of the community including one Albushra (Arabic) From Haifa (Israel).7
Arab-Israel War: During the last quarter of 1965 many Qadianis moved from Iran to Israel. They safeguarded the Zionist interests in the Persian Gulf States and were supported by the Jewish Agency Tehran and the Tehran Office of the World Jewish Congress. Jacob M. Landau, a Jewish writer states that on 31 December, 1965 there were 327,000 non-Jew Arabs in Israel and a few hundred Ahmadis who came from Iran. 8
'The Arab-Israel War of 1967 resulted in the defeat of Arabs. Pakistan strongly condemned the Israeli aggression and raised its voice in favour of Palestinian cause. Qadianis living in Pakistan and abroad maintained a dubious silence on the pretext that they had nothing to do with the politics. They neither condemned Israeli aggression nor rendered even lip service to the Palestinian cause. Qadiani Mission in Israel extended full support to Zionism as it was an article of their faith to support the policy of the Government under whose rule they lived whether it be Jewish, Sikh or a racist one. In accordance with that policy and in view of their Zionist orientations, Qadianis living in Kababir (Israel) were said to have expressed satisfaction and jubilation over Zionist victory over Arabs. 9
After the 1967 Arab-Israel War, Mirza Nasir Ahmad left for Europe on 6 July, 1967. It was his first tour after becoming head of the Jamat. Sir Zafarullah and M. M. Ahmad, then Deputy Chairman, Planning Commission of Pakistan, met him in London.
A Conference of Qadiani elders was held in London to devise future strategy for an `Ahmadya Revolution.' The Chattan, Lahore in its editorial discussed the implications of Mirza Nasir's visit to Europe immediately after the Arab defeat in 1967 War. During his tour a correspondent asked him to give his reaction over the Arab-Israel War but he fought shy of it. The paper disclosed that Mirza Nasir had been invited by certain foreign powers to discuss post-war issues and to project Arab-Israel antagonism as the exclusive problem of Arabs and not of Islam. 10Share in Foreign Exchange: The state patronage enjoyed by Qadianis during the Ayub regime afforded them an opportunity to get more and more foreign exchange from Pakistan exchequer. They were permitted to transfer large sums of foreign exchange to their missions abroad although there were tight Exchange Control Rules enforced by the State Bank of Pakistan. In view of the liquidity position of Pakistan and the relatively sound value of Pakistan currency in terms of dollar (Rs. 4.76 to one dollar) in 60s, the allocation for propagation of Qadiani beliefs could be counted as a great favour of regime at the cost of national resources. Pakistan balance of payments in those years was adverse and it needed every penny to support it. The amount of foreign exchange allocation permitted to be sent abroad came under attack in the National Assembly of Pakistan. Some members of the National Assembly of Pakistan attempted to raise certain issues relating to Qadiani problem in the National Assembly but were not allowed. However, the issue of allocation of foreign exchange to Qadianis came under hot debate in the National Assembly. The answers given by the then Finance Minister of Pakistan were not only vague but absurd. He, in a written statement submitted to the National Assembly of Pakistan on 4 June, 1965 informed that during 3 to 4 years a total sum of Rs 15.25 lakhs in foreign exchange was granted to various sects out of which the Qadiani sect (whose adherents are a few lakh people in the world) got the lion's share of nearly Rs. 9 lakhs.
The Finance Minister of Pakistan M. N. Uqaili gave the following details of allocation of foreign exchange to Ahmadis:
| Year | Foreign Exchange given to Ahmadis (Rabwah) (Rs.) |
| 1964 | 70,000 |
| 1965 | 70,000 |
| 1966 | 52,500 |
|
1967 (January to May) |
45,026 |
Lahori Ahmadis were given almost the same amount of foreign exchange for their so-called missionary activities abroad. Besides Tehrik-e-Jadid Rabwah received a sum of Rs. 114,059 in 1967 for the African Missions.
On hearing this Hasan A.Sheikh, MNA asked the first supplementary question:
‘Does the Parliamentary Secretary for Finance consider the activities of Ahmadis as a missionary work for Islam?’
To this question Nurul Islam Sikder, the Parliamentary Secretary replied: ‘Yes.’
Hasan A Sheikh then asked: Does it behove the Islamic Republic of Pakistan to allow the Ahmadis (Qadianis) to carry on propaganda like this?
Sikder replied: ‘ I do not want to say anything further on this subject.’
Shah Azizur Rehman MNA asked: Is it a fact that the Saudi Arabian Government has prohibited the entry of Qadianis into Mecca because they are not true Muslims?’
Sikder replied: ‘Sir, this has nothing to do with my department.’
Another member, Chowdhury Muhammad Iqbal asked, 'Is the Government aware of the fact that there is of plenty of scope for Islamic missionary work in Africa and whether the Government is ready to grant foreign exchange to those religious institutions which are willing to do missionary work there?’
Nurul Islam Sikder replied, ‘It will be considered when the application is received.’
Brigadier Muhammad Abbas Abbasi MNA asked: 'What principle is followed while granting foreign exchange? Are our Embassies in the foreign countries consulted about the desirability of this aid?’
Nurul Islam Sikder replied: ‘I require notice for this question.’
Maulana Abdul Hafeez Mohsinuddin MNA asked: ‘The Parliamentary Secretary for Finance has stated that the Anjuman-e-Ahmadya New Movement and Anjuman-e-Ahmadya Ishatul Islam are organizations of Muslims. I would like to ask the Finance Minister as to what is his opinion in this regard while the Muslims of the whole world have given the Fatwa of Kufr against them (i.e. they are Kafirs). Is the Finance Minister prepared to consider the Ahmadyas as Muslims?'
Finance Minister replied, 'Sir, there is no question of giving an opinion.’
Maulana Mohsinuddin said, ‘When the Ahmadyas do not belong to any sect of Islam, how is it justified to give them any financial grant?’
No reply was given to this either by the Parliamentary Secretary or the Finance Minister. The Speaker, however, remarked: ‘There is no need to reply to this question.’
Begum Mujbunnisa Akram asked: ‘Does the Government exercise supervision on proper spending of the foreign exchange by it or has it set up some machinery in the foreign countries to scrutinize the work?’
The Finance Minister replied in the negative.
Begum Akram again asked: Is it not the responsibility of the Government to check up and see if the money is being utilized for the purpose it is given, or it is being spent on some personal requirements?'The Finance Minister replied: 'Some conditions are laid down for expenditure but the real fact is that once the foreign exchange is released, it is difficult to keep any control over it.
To a question from Ajmal Chowdhury, the Finance Minister replied: ‘The applicants submit that some missions are going abroad for `tableegh' purposes, some speeches will be arranged. On this basis foreign currency is sanctioned but it is very difficult to judge whether or not this money has really been spent for the purpose it was given. 11
Ch. Ahmad Jan, Amir Jamat Ahmadya, Rawalpindi distributed a booklet addressed to the members of National Assembly of Pakistan to explain Qadiani view point. He gave a short account of Qadiani activities abroad and demanded more foreign exchange from the Government as ‘the foreign exchange given to them was meager and inadequate to meet with expanding missionary work.’ 12
Lahore section of Qadiani Jamat also made an attempt to clarify their position by saying that the Mirza was only a Mujadid and they should not be called Kafir. Sadruddin Amir Jamat Lahore in his statement emphasized that ‘President FM Ayub Khan used to come to the Woking Mosque (London) during his training at Sandhurst and said his prayers there.’ 13
Ayub regime came under sharp attack in the late 60s. People called Ayub a ‘Qadiani’ or a ‘Mirzai agent’. Besides political many economic factors were also responsible to end his rule. The Qadiani issue was a key factor to bring great resentment for the regime. It lost all sympathies a common Muslim for extending favour to Qadianis.
Movement Starts: The Ayubian dictatorship gave protection to Qadianis and encouraged them to safeguard their interests in Pakistan and abroad. The feelings ran high against them and the ulema raised voice against their increasing interference in Pakistan politics. Qadianis wielded so much influence that they amply brushed aside public reaction and criticism leveled against them by ascribing it to the traditional bigotry and short sightedness of 'mullah.' Repressive Martial law Ordinances and the Defense of Pakistan Rules provided sufficient protection to than from the 'onslaught' of ulema.' Many religious leaders who opposed Qadianyat were arrested on the charges of fanning ‘sectarian feelings’. The anti-Qadiani press was muzzled and the editors and publishers of many papers arrested. The credit goes to the weekly Chattan, Lahore for its bold criticism and exposition of Qadiani intrigues despite stern warning of the Home Department and arrest of its valiant editor, Agha Shorish Kashmiri.14 He boldly faced all hardships and courageously fought for the sublime cause of Khatam-i-Nabuwat. The religious organizations and political parties like Majlis-e-Ahrar, Tahafuz-e-Khatam-e-Nabuwat and Jamat-i-Islami rendered yeoman services to expose Qadiani intrigues and painted this Imperialist political agency in its true Colours.
Qadianis approached Gen Musa Khan, Governor, West Pakistan and succeeded in issuing a circular on 1st April, 1966 from Home Secretary of West Pakistan under Defense of Pakistan Rules to all editors, printers, and publishers advising them not to publish ‘any matter casting reflection on the origin, prophecies, revelations or beliefs of any sect.’ It was followed by another order meant to appease Qadiani community.15 On 27 July, 1967 the Governor of West Pakistan served an order on the editor of the Chattan, Lahore restraining him from indulging in and publishing provocative sectarian writings prejudicial to the maintenance of public order, and stopping him “publishing any matter casting reflection on the origin, prophecies, revelations or beliefs of any sect which may create feeling of enmity, ill will, or hatred between different sects. Censor was imposed on publishing any matter touching on the origin, prophecies, revelations, beliefs of sect or on their comparative merits or status, by way of news, views, comments or in any other form what-so-ever:” The paper had already published 8 pages (including an article of the scribe) on Qadiani movement, which had to be destroyed.
The Chattan upheld the cause of Khatam-e-Nabuwat against all odds and numerous government pressures exercised at the behest of Rabwah. At last on 21 April 1968 the declaration of the weekly Chattan was cancelled and its press was confiscated. It was the result of a sinister collaboration among the notorious trio of Ayub regime i.e. Governor West Pakistan Gen. Musa, Information Minister Ahmad Saeed Kirmani and Ayub's blue-eyed boy Altaf Gauhar. They took every possible step to suppress anti-Ahmadya elements in Pakistan. Kirmani had a personal vendetta against Shorish. He tried to break-up an Iqbal Day meeting held on 21 April 1968 in the University Hall, Lahore which was presided over by the then Chief Justice of West Pakistan. Shorish was the Secretary of the Majlis Iqbal. He reacted sharply against the goondaism of Kirmani's hirelings. Kirmani, using his influence with the Governor managed to get him arrested, his press was confiscated and his weekly paper, the Chattan closed down. S I Haque, former Secretary, Government of West Pakistan, in a statement disclosed that `this was a remarkable act of political short-sightedness. The reaction in the Punjab was very adverse. When I was told after the orders had been issued, I pointed out that the penalty was too severe and that in the first instance a warning or a 'gag' order should have been issued. The rest is public knowledge. This developed into a major clash between the Government and the High Court. Agha Shorish Kashmiri went on prolonged hunger strikes, and on both occasions was saved from the jaws of death through my intervention. On the advice of Mr. Kirmani, Governor Musa held firmly to the view that Shorish Kashmiri should be allowed to die in detention.'16On 6 May before his arrest Agha Shorish delivered an excellent speech in Jamiat-I-Ulema Islam Conference at Lahore and exposed political designs of Qadian in a lucid way reminiscent of Syed Ataullah Shah Bukhari’s style of oratory. He made certain starting disclosures:
After his speech he was arrested under Defense of Pakistan Rules.
Shorish's Trial: A Division Bench of the West Pakistan High Court heard the habeas corpus filed on behalf of Agha Shorish Kashmiri. The Bench comprised Mr. Justice Bashiruddin Ahmad and Mr. Justice Shaukat Ali. Another Division Bench of High Court Lahore comprising Mr. Justice Muhammad Gul and Mr. Justice Karam Elahi Chauhan heard the restoration of the Chattan Declaration case. The learned judges in their decision in the Chattan case stated on 22 July, 1968:
This extract was given a wider publicity by the Qadian Jamat. However Agha Shorish in an article stated that the fatwa of the ulema and the whole world of Islam had given their unanimous verdict against Qadianis that they are outside the pale of Islam. There could not be two views on the issue.19“The whole burden of argument of petitioners' learned counsel was that Ahmadis are not a sect of Islam and the petitioners' right to say so is guaranteed by the Constitution. But learned counsel overlooks the fact that Ahmadis as citizens of Pakistan are also guaranteed by the Constitution the same freedom to profess and proclaim that they are within the fold of Islam. How can the petitioners deny to others what they claim for themselves is beyond our comprehension? Certainly not by terrorizing them. The question at the root is how far the petitioners and other like minded can in law prevent the Ahmadis from professing that notwithstanding any doctrinal differences with the other sects of Islam they are as good followers of Islam as anybody else who call himself a Muslim." 18
The High Court Bench comprising Mr.Justice Bashiruddin Ahmad and Mr. Justice Shaukat Ali admitted the writ petition of Begum Agha Shorish Kashmiri for hearing. Mr. Tariq Ismail Khan, Joint Secretary (Home) Government of West Pakistan subsequently disclosed that the Governor was unhappy with the conduct of the Bench hearing the case and considered the Provincial Government quite capable to handle the judges. Ahmad Saeed Kirmani sent an awkward message to them through Mian Akhtar MPA.
Mr. Justice Shauket Ali was apprised of the displeasure of the Governor in 1968 of not dismissing the petition while the Chief Justice advised Mr. Justice Bashiruddin Ahmad, the other senior member of the Bench not to pass any controversial order i.e. the Minister concerned (Kirmani) should not be summoned. Mr. Justice Shauket Ali is of the view that after the admission of the writ petition in question, the Provincial Government moved for the transfer of the case to Karachi or Peshawar. The intention behind the move was to get the case transferred from the Bench.
It was also rumoured that either of the judges of the Bench is being appointed as the Chairman of the Appellate Industrial Tribunal but the President of Pakistan (Ayub Khan) did not approve the suggestion of the Governor.
The intimidation to the Bench was the talk of the country and two of the dailies of Karachi i.e. Daily News and Jang wrote editorials20 on the issue.The hearing of Shorish's case started in the Chamber of the Sind High Court in the second week of December 1968. The Bench upheld the cause of justice. However the Advocate General Raja Said Akbar's behavior and remarks forced High Court Bench to retire from hearing. It was deliberate move of the Advocate General to provoke the Bench. There were stormy scenes at the trial. Shorish resorted to hunger strike against the deplorable attitude of the Government.
Mr.Justice Shaukat Ali, in his letter dated 3 February 1969 addressed to the Chief Justice of West Pakistan states:"Never in the history of the Judiciary not even during Foreign Domination, Judges were so shabbily treated as was done in case of the Bench entrusted with the hearing of the writ petition challenging the detention of Agha Abdul Karim Shorish Kashmiri under the Defense of Pakistan Rules. There were visible attempts from the very outset of the hearing of the petition to influence the Bench. When the members of the Bench did not succumb to such influences then there were threats communicated to the effect that Judges could also be harassed. When these threats had gone unheeded investigation was held into the assets of the members of the Bench.
During the hearing of the petition at Karachi, when we decided to retire, the attitude adopted by the Law Officer of the Government, to say at least, was not only disrespectful but also calculated to annoy the Bench. This course was deliberately adopted so that in the case of a flare up, Government might once again make an attempt to seek transfer of the proceeding to some other Bench as it had on a previous occasion, failed in a move in that direction. We finally decided to retire from the hearing but when we got the message that we could proceed with the hearing but were told not to pass any order on any controversial matter particularly the summoning of the Provincial Minister for Finance, Information and Broadcasting as witness. When we retired from the hearing, we learnt in Lahore that the aforesaid Minister attributed a statement to the Head of the State saying that if any Judge had raised his little finger towards the Minister he would have been beheaded. Such attitude on the part of Government towards the Judges of superior court is unheard of. We were harassed, intimidated and threatened. We narrated all this in the Judges meeting convened for considering the Constitution of a Bench to hear the contempt matter against the Advocate General. Thereafter we were told the Provincial Government had a reference made to the Supreme Judicial Council which we are now given to understand, has been rejected. We feel that had we succumbed to the tactics adopted to undermine the independence of the Judiciary we would not have been true to the oath of our office. We strongly feel that Government by these moves had made it difficult for the Bench to administer justice without fear or favour. We desire that the matter be considered in a meeting of all the judges and the issue taken up with the Head of the State in consultation with the Chief Justice of Pakistan in the larger interest not only of this Court and the judiciary in the country but also in the larger interest of the litigant public who invariably seek redress whenever they feel that the Executive had behaved in a manner contrary to law."21
Shorish was under treatment in Civil Hospital, Karachi. He highly protested against the attitude of the Advocate General and resorted to hunger strike. People started a strong movement in both wings of the country for the release of Shorish. Pressed hard by the deteriorating law and order situation, the Government released him on 25 December, 1968. He was given a rousing reception at each station from Karachi to Lahore. 22
In March, 1968 Ayub suffered a serious stroke and his health sharply deteriorated. The `Decade of Development' was being celebrated in Pakistan while the country was in turmoil owing to increasing trouble in Baluchistan and East Pakistan. In November, 1968 it erupted into a revolt against the Ayub regime. The opportunity was seized by Z. A. Bhutto, former Foreign Minister of Pakistan to project himself as the leader of the movement. He collaborated with Maj. Gen. Peerzada, former Military Secretary of Ayub Khan who aspired to enter President House after his exit in 1964. A battle of succession within the military Junta began.
On the one hand, a strong anti-Ayub movement was going on in the country and on the other hand there had been an active intervention of the CIA and Zionist agents in Pakistan politics. The opposition fronts viz, Pakistan Democratic Front and Democratic Action Committee (DAC) demanded Parliamentary system, direct elections and removal of disparities between East and West Pakistan. Air Marshal (Retd) Asghar Khan also came out to oppose Ayub Khan. Forced by strong agitation and demonstrations, Ayub asked Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan to arrange RTC to arrive at some settlement. Mumtaz Daultana of Pakistan Muslim League (Council) and some other leaders demanded immediate release of Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rehman, who was under detention in Agartala Conspiracy case. Ayub accepted the demand and released Mujib. Bhutto issued strong statements against the leaders of RTC and did not participate in the Conference The Pakistan People Party (PPP) and the Awami League were responsible to sabotage the RTC.
During the RTC, the Zionist intervention reached its climax. Maulvi Farid Ahmad a veteran and sober politician of East Pakistan throws light on the Qadiani Zionist conspiracy in his book, 'The Sun Behind Clouds’. He has recorded daily events in his diary.
In his diary dated 3 March, 1969 he says:
`Met Shafiul Azam, Amanullah and Matin in E.P.House. Had a long discussion with them and outlined the design and forces at play. Shafiul Azam was taken aback. He had been living in another world and was puzzled by the magnitude of the conspiracy. Matin rang up Enayatullah of Motanmar-e Alame Islam in Karachi and asked him to come to Karachi. On query he told me that we were financing Alfatah Commandos. He spoke of Jews operating through M.M.Ahmad. He thinks that our planning is dictated from Tel Aviv: Qadiani and Jews alliance was too obvious to miss the eye.' 23 (Italics added)
He then says,
`Ata Hussain came to pick me up. He drove me to the Saudi Arabia Embassy and met the Ambassador. We were four viz, Ambassador, Ata Hussain, Interpreter Mannan and myself. On the way to Islamabad, Ata quoted the Ambassador as saying that millions of dollar had been spent on an Islamic party; but the Ambassador is convinced that they are incapable of delivering the goods and his Government was now looking forward to find others capable of meeting the challenge. 1 gave him an analysis of International Zionism operating through the Qadianis and grave implications of the fruiting of such a move. He listened to me very carefully and seemed to be appreciating the soundness and truth of my thesis." 24 (Italics added)
On 22 March, 1969 he records in his diary:
Dacca: "Had a meting of the ulema in Lalbagh Jamia-e-Qurania at 1.10 P.M., but could not go due to prayer time and lunch. Went there at 3 P.M. Maulana Siddique Ahmad, Hafezji Hazoor, Maulana Masoom, Haroon and others were present. Addressed them on the impact of Pakistan in World Politics and International Zionist conspiracy against Pakistan which is now backing the war against Israel who had agents in Qadianis in Government service. I outlined the task before the Ulema and how they can be mobilized in a scientific manner." 25
The Army Chief Gen Yahya Khan hobnobbed with Bhutto and forced Ayub to hand over power to him on 25 March, 1969. This undemocratic step had grave implications for Pakistan. Under the Constitution (1962) Ayub had to hand over power to Abdul Jabar Khan, Speaker of the Pakistan National Assembly.
References: