Anti Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam
24th February 1999

Chapter 19

QADIANIAT SPREADS ITS TENTACLES

The coup staged by Ayub is said to have the backing of the CIA.1 From 27 October 1958 to June 1962 Pakistan was ruled by the military junta under the martial law regulations that could not be challenged in any Court of Law. Political parties banned, leaders were put behind the bars, severe restrictions on the liberty of the press were imposed and the public opinion was stifled.

Qadianis found the military dictatorship a boon in disguise. It provided them an opportunity to organize themselves further and establish new missions abroad as they collaborated both with the military rulers and the bureaucracy to get key posts in fast expanding economic institutions and public organizations. They enjoyed the full support of Imperialism and World Zionism in their ventures in Pakistan and abroad.

Ayub harped on the theme of better ties with the United States. An year after his military coup, he signed a bilateral Mutual Defense Agreement with the US. Military bases were provided to America and it was allowed to use Pakistan territory for surveillance activities of the Soviet Union.2

Reliance on Ahmadis

Ayub relied on Qadiani community in all important matters. In critical sector of economic planning and international field he encouraged them to get important positions. In view of a tilt towards the US in foreign policy, the economic assistance from America which was less than $10 in 1952 rose to $380 million in 1963. Pakistan responded with acts of friendship. 'Mirza Muzaffar Ahmad (M.M.Ahmad), the grandson of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, a notorious bureaucrat became Finance Secretary and afterwards the Deputy Chairman of the Planning Commission of Pakistan. He was responsible for creating regional imbalances in Pakistan economy in collaboration with the Zionist backed economic group like Ford Foundation and Harvard Advisory Group. These transmitted a stream of economists to the Planning Commission and Provincial Planning Departments to prepare five-year Plans of Pakistan. The defective planning resulted in East-West disparity and consequently loss of Eastern Wing of the country.

Zafarullah in the UN

In 1961, Zafarullah was not re-elected a judge of ICJ. He planned to settle down in London to undertake some missionary works but America proposed to President Ayub to appoint him in the UN as Pakistan Permanent Representative for their closer liaison on major policy issue at the world forum. In July 1961 Ayub stopped at London on his way to the US and asked Zafarullah to get ready to go to New York as Pakistan's Permanent Representative at the UN. On his return from New York, Ayub told Zafarullah that he had discussed his appointment in the UN with the Secretary General Dag Hammerskjold. He was very pleased and expressed his great satisfaction over it. On 12 August1961 Zafarullah took up the charge. He subsequently became the President of the UN General Assembly Session of 1962 due to the support provided by the Western lobby.

Prof. Malalasekra, Permanent Representative of Ceylon (Sri Lanka) and a former Ambassador to the USSR, was his close rival for the Presidency of the 17th Session the Assembly. He mainly relied on the Russian and East European countries support,3 while Zafarullah had the full backing of non-communist bloc. Ambassador Yost of the delegation to the UN assured him of full support from America and its allies in attaining the Presidency of the 17th Session. President Kennedy of the US and President Ayub of Pakistan addressed this Assembly Session.

On 27th April 1962 the Kashmir issue was brought before the Security Council by Pakistan with Sir Zafarullah again as a spokesman, India was represented by Krishna Menon. The motion in the Security Council was for India and Pakistan to resume conversations concerning Kashmir and was supported by various other countries including the US and Britain. The Security Council vetoed the motion on 22 August 1962.4

President ICJ

After ending of the 17th Session of the Assembly, Zafarullah was nominated by Pakistan to contest the election of Judge of the World Court in October 1963. He was elected as one of the new Judges of the Court in 1964 for a nine-year term. He spent about 15 ½ years in the World Court, the third longest in the history of the Court and was the first Asian to become its President.

Sir Zafarullah writes:

'In February, 1961 when he completed his first term on the Court, he had been the senior Judge next only to the President. When he rejoined the Court in February 1964 he came in the bottom. Sir Percy Spender was elected President and Judge Wellington Koo became Vice President.'5 An appraisal of his stay in World Court reveals that Sir Zafarullah was perhaps the most laconic judge who ever sat at the World Court since the end of the Second World War. He covered about 20 pages of the Court's reports in his personal capacity during his entire stay. This stands out in sharp contrast to his loquaciousness at the Security Council debates on Kashmir at the late forties. The individual opinions, which he mostly appended in the form of declarations, were expressed briefly sometimes as short as a sentence. His longest declaration was 7 pages long in the Namibia advisory opinion.6 This was because he did not have any thorough grounding in international law as a researcher in an academic institution, as he himself boasted of not having read a single book on international law. Secondly due to his previous training as a lawyer he had a matter of fact down to earth approach while academicians turned judges had a tendency to write at length.

South African Case

Sir Zafarullah's role in 1966 South West Africa Case was a black spot in an otherwise positive stay at the World Court. It was so because he failed to sit on the bench in this case with the result that it was decided in favour of South Africa by the casting vote of President Percy Spender from Australia, as an earlier voting resulted in a tie. Given the fact that he belonged to the Third World and espoused a legal worldview, which differed from that of the Court, it is almost certain that his participation in the case would have meant a verdict against South Africa. His failure to take part evoked criticism against him (and indirectly against Pakistan) by many countries of the Third World especially by those of the African Countries.7

Sir Zafarullah, in his personal narrative says:

" The German South West Africa (Namibia) case was to be heard on the merits. South Africa had raised a preliminary objection that the applicant to have the locus standi to maintain the application. The Court had over ruled the objection. The President, by a questionable manoeuvre, excluded the Pakistan (Zafarullah) from sitting on the case.8 (Italics added) Dr. Ijaz Hussain states:
"For the purpose of analysis of reasons of non participation of Sir Zafarullah in this case following facts are relevant to keep in mind. On the first day of hearing of the case President of the Court simply announced that Judge Sir Zafarullah Khan will not participate in the decision of this case." No explanation was offered for the non-participation but Pakistan's Foreign minister in a communication addressed to the UN Secretary General attributed it to the fact that Sir Zafarullah was previously nominated as an ad-hoc judge by Ethiopia and Liberia before his election to the World Court. In other words, he was not allowed to participate by the President and it was not at his own initiative. The question is whether according to the statue of the Council, the President is entitled to stop any judge from participating in a case on any ground whatsoever. If he is so entitled, is the judge concerned obliged to accept such a decision or can he challenge it? Articles 17 and 24 of the Statute cover these questions.

According to these articles, the President or the judge may take the initiative for non-Participation in a particular case for any reason whatsoever. However, the President's directive is not endowed with the final authority. In case of conflict between a judge and the President, the Court as a whole has the final say.

Examining the present case, did the President in accordance with article 24 (2) serve a notice on Sir Zafarullah through which he barred him from participating in the proceedings? In case he did so, did Sir Zafarullah accept the President's decision? And finally if Sir Zafarullah disagreed with the President's decision was the matter settled by the Court in accordance with article 24(3) ?

As disclosed to the present writer (Dr. Ijaz Hussain) in the course of conversations which he had with Sir Zafarullah in August 1978 in London and in January 1982 in Lahore, a kind of notice was served on the latter by the President. This was challenged by Sir Zafarullah by writing a letter of protest. The President informed him later on that the contents of his letter were discussed individually with members of the Court who believed that he (Sir Zafarullah) was not fit to sit on the case. When Sir Zafarullah inquired from his colleagues about this incident they denied it. He concluded by saying that the President 'lied' to him about the opinion of other members of the Court in the matter. When the present writer asked Sir Zafarullah to explain why he did not challenge the President at that point, he simply answered that he did not do so because he regarded the whole affairs "disgusting" 9

 The forgoing account shows that Sir Zafarullah by not asserting the rights conferred on him by the Statute failed in his duty as Judge of the World Court. For this reason, he became subject of controversy, which in turn gave rise to rumors which the present writer later on heard circulating in the corridors of the Peace Palace at the Hague, according to which he acquiesced in the decision of the President because his eyes were fixed on the Presidency of the World Court 10 (Italics added). Subsequently when he became the President of the World Court, the Security Council requested an Advisory Opinion from the Court on the legal situation in Namibia.

Sir Zafarullah , in his personal narrative says:

"The irony was that the judge whom Sir Percy Spender had been at pains to exclude from sitting on the case was now President of the Court. South Africa objected to his participation in his case, without specifying any ground except that he had been excluded from participation on the previous occasion. This meant that Counsel for South Africa were not convinced that Article 17(2) of the statute stood in the way of his participation in the case, wanted to take advantage of the mistaken interpretation of that Article by Sir Percy Spender. On objection being raised, the Court withdrew to consider it in the absence of the President and decided unanimously that there was no ground for the objection. After a full hearing and following the procedure prescribed, the Court delivered its opinion that South Africa's mandate for the administration of South West Aftrica (Namibia) had been validly terminated and that there was no longer any legal justification for South Africa's presence in Namibia."11

Against Jamat -e-Islami

With the support of Government, Qadianis got a chance to direct their activities against the religious and political movements of East and West Pakistan. Jamat-e-Islami was their favorite target. In the Annual Report of the Advisory Body of Ahmadiyya Jamat for 1963, it was decided to mobilize further resources to meet the Jamat-e-Islami threat' by distributing massive literature on the issue of the finality of the Prophet (P.b.u.h) and deputing one influential missionary for an year in East Pakistan. It was further decided that the Amir Jamat East Pakistan should immediately report to the Chief Secretary, IG Police, District Magistrate and the in charge police officer, in case any trouble was suspected against the Ahmadiyya Jamat. The Amir was advised to keep contact with the subordinate police officials also.12 A 16-page tract entitled Maudoodi and Opposition to Pakistan' was compiled in Bengali and its five thousand copies were distributed in East Pakistan to prove alleged anti-Pakistan character of the Jamat.

The Report also says that the opponents of the Ahmadiyya Jamat had always tried to create trouble in the name of Khatme-Nabuwat in the country. In order to meet their threat:

  1. Higher officials be apprised of the activities of the opponents meant to create unrest in the country.
  2. Visit to officials be arranged to explain the background and nature of this mischief and to explain its disastrous consequences for the peace of the country.
  3. Attempts be made to quell this mischief through certain regional and national papers.
  4. Ch. Zafarullah Khan's statement on Khatme-Nabuwat be published in a tract from and sent to higher officials of Police, the Ministries and Members of the Parliament.
  5. Other appropriate steps be taken by Nizarat-i-Islah-o-Irshad in this context.13
Religious organizations of Pakistan found it very difficult to check the mounting Qadiani influence in Pakistan. In Foreign Office, Qadiani officials, and their well wishers maneuvered to prevent Pakistan from cultivating friendly relations with certain Arab countries. In bureaucracy these elements towed the line of emerging capitalists class. It was a high time for Qadianis to infiltrate into army in accordance with a Pre-conceived policy.

Elections 1965

Ayub regime was a Victorian rule for Rabwah. They felt secure and flourished in Pakistan and abroad. In 1965 Ayub announced to hold elections. The Martial Law ended and opposition parties formed an alliance called Combined Opposition Parties (COP) under the leadership of Miss Faitmah Jinnah. Qadianis openly sided with Ayub Khan. A special cell was set up in Rabwah to conduct the election campaign of Ayub Khan. Hundreds of posters, pamphlets, hand bills and leaflets were brought out by Qadiani-backed fictitious organizations to defame the National Awami Party, Jamat -i-Islami and Muslim league (Council) and to carry out character assassination campaign of their leaders. Qadiani Mission started a similar campaign in Western countries in collaboration with Foreign Mission. In the national press, lengthy advertisements appeared from Qadiani sponsored organizations in which Miss Jinnah's candidature was challenged on the ground that under Islam, a woman could not be the Head of the State. Funds were raised for the Convention league for carrying out the election called it a humble contribution of the Jamat for the De Gaulle of Asia.'

September 1965 War

In September1965 War broke out between India and Pakistan India launched an attack across the international border near Lahore in order to divert Pakistan forces from Kashmir. What led to the War? Who were the real actors? How far Qadianis were involved into it? What were their aspirations during the war? These questions need a detailed answer. A short analysis of facts is given to understand the Qadiani role in this national crisis.

It is widely held that President Ayub, General Musa (C-in-C), General Akhtar Malik and Aziz Ahmad (Secretary Foreign Office) through an absurd scheming bustled the country into that purposeless war. According to Brig A.R. Siddiqui, Editor Defense Journal of Pakistan, there appeared to have been no immediate casus belli in early 1965 to force Pakistan into a haphazard and ill-conceived war. After gaining initial tactical and psychological advantages in Kutch by occupying two desert hillocks at Birabet and Point 84, Pakistan launched commando and guerrilla Operation Gibraltar in Kashmir. According to Brig. Siddiqi, Operation Gibraltar represented high point of the Pakistani initiative. However, "Since it lacked a comprehensive politico-strategic framework, it placed Pakistan in a rather unenviable position from where it could only react to the initiative that India thereafter so firmly secured."14

Pakistani Operation Grand Slam (in Chamb) was perhaps (sequentially) the high point of its attack tactics, coming as it did after the failure, 'outlook' and 'character' of 'bold and imaginative' general officers, first Maj. Gen. Aktar Malik then Maj Gen. Yahya Khan. Yet the plan "collapsed on the launching pad", as Altaf Gauhar puts it in preface to Asghar Khan's book.15 Since 1st September upto the cease-fire on 23rd, "India succeeded in getting Pakistan involved in a number of isolated battles one after another between Kashmir and Rasjisthan, forcing it to over-stretch itself and spend force in fierce but largely fruitless defensive engagements, without achieving local superiority anywhere."16

According to military strategists, Pakistan's 1965 War was a disastrous turning point for the country which narrowed the options facing the ruling group in Western Pakistan and led to the separatist movement in the East giving real possibilities of secession."17

General Musa in his book My Version has stated that the then Foreign Minister Mr. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and Foreign Secretary, Aziz Ahmad, spurred on by Major General Aktar Hussain Malik, who was commander of our troops in Azad Kashmir, pressed the Government to take advantage of the disturbed situation in the Valley and directed the Army to send raiders into Indian-held Kashmir for conducting guerrilla activities there and help on a long-term basis, the locals in organizing a movement with a view to eventually starting an uprising against the occupying power. According to them, steps taken by the Director Intelligence Bureau (DIB) till then were not only ineffective but had also alerted the army of occupation, which as a consequence had tightened its suppressive and security measures.18

Qadiani Conspiracy

A month before the war when Pakistani guerrillas were creating unrest in Occupied Kashmir, Ahmadis organized the first European Convention in London from 3-7 August 1965. Representatives of Ahmadiyya Mission from the European countries participated. It was inaugurated by Sir Zafarullah, then Judge ICJ. It was claimed that Ahmadiyya Jamat had set up their missions in 75 different countries including 18 in Britain. The delegates emphasized that if Ahmadiyya Jamat would come into power, it would impose taxes on rich people, redistribute wealth, wipe out interest and impose ban on liquor.19

The late Agha Shorish Kashmiri says that Nawab Kalabagh, then Governor of West Pakistan told him that Qadinais were anxious to return to Qadian at all costs. They wanted to get Qadian either through collaboration or through a conflict with India. One day, Gen. Akhter Malik visited the Nawab in Nathiagali (Murree). He persuaded him to impress upon Ayub Khan the need to launch an armed attack on Kashmir. He assured the Nawab that Pakistan would get Kashmir. The Nawab was astonished to hear this cacophony. He however, declined to discuss the issue with Ayub saying that he was neither a military expert not knew anything about the war strategy. He proposed him to discuss it directly with him. Akhtar then told him that Ayub had not agreed to it for he feared violation of international border of Pakistan by the Indian forces. The Nawab told him that Ayub had already become angry with him because some Americans had given him wrong impression that the Nawab had planned to seize power. He would suspect Awans (both the Nawab and Akhtar were Awan by caste) had been conspiring against his rule.20

During these days, he (Nawab) received a hand bill from the Pakistan CID which was widely distributed in Azad Kashmir by Qadiani Jamat. It said:

The state of Jammu and Kashmir will inshAllah be free. Its victory and glory lies in the hands of Ahmadiyyat (Prophecy of Muslih Maood).21 The Nawab realized that Gen. Akhtar Malik was striving for the fulfillment of the said prophecy. Shorish narrated this event to Majid Nizami, Editor of the daily Nawai Waqt Lahore, who also confirmed it. He was astonished to know the (Qadiani plan) and disclosed that in the month of July (1965). Sir Zafarullah met him in America and requested him to take a message for President Ayub that a very opportune time had come to invade Kashmir. Pakistan Army would definitely succeed and there would be no violation of Pak territory. Dr Javed conveyed Zafarullah's message to Ayub who requested him not to tell it to any one else.22

It is evident that Qadianis, in collaboration with Imperialist-Zionist agencies plotted to dismember Pakistan by the separation of East Pakistan and balkanization of West Pakistan into small states, an inevitable outcome of a Military defeat. Pakistan forces fought valiantly to frustrate the Indian aggressive designs. It was in late August that India had made a series of moves across the cease-fire line with its regular armed forces and claimed to have captured at least nine important Pakistan positions in a major offensive into Azad Kashmir. These included the strategic Hajri Pir Pass. To forestall further aggression by the Indian troops, Azad Kashmir forces, supported by the Pak Army, captured Chamb area of the Jammu-Bhimber sector. On 5 September Pakistan forces occupied Jurian near Akhnor, the road linking Jammu with Srinagar and Poonch and the Indian land route to the Valley was seriously threatened. The war lasted for 17 days.

During the September War, Qadianis prepared special tracts which highlighted the prophecies of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad and Mirza Mahmud regarding the destiny of Kashmir. It was stated with optimism that God had already made the future events known to his Promised Messiah, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad and his loving son Mirza Bashiruddin Mahmud, Khalifa of the community and "the present events could be seen against the background of these prophetic utterances."23 It was further claimed on the basis of these prophecies that God revealed to Mirza Mahmud the occurrence of Sino-Indian border clashes nine year ago (1956) and the entry of Pak forces into India eight years ago. These Heavenly signs have been fulfilled now.24 Mirza Mahmud was on the death bed at the time of September War. He suffered from numerous diseases and was almost insane. It was Mirza Nasir Ahmad his heir apparent, Sir Zafarullah, M.M. Ahmad and small group of army officers which worked behind the scene.

The Qadiani tract (Present Events and Some Heavenly Scriptures) prepared for wider circulation in Azad Kashmir and the Indian-held Kashmir predicted a triumphant return of Ahmadis to Qadian through Kashmir (Italic added). The political aspirations of Ahmadi elders couched in the elliptical language of dreams and visions are reflected in between the lines:

 

  1. Some dreams and visions of the Promised Messiah, 28 April, 1905: Clear Victory; I will come to thee with My Army (Tazkira, Book of Revelations and Dreams of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad , P.539)
  2. Shastri's prophecy turned out false (29 April 1905), (Tazkira P.539) Shasti referred to in the prophecy is Lal Bahadur Shastri, the Indian Prime Minister. His claim of capturing Pakistan and Kashmir proved false.25
  3. Return to Qadian: On 9 November 1898, I (Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani) in a dream saw that I was coming into Qadiani but it was very dark and it was difficult to find the way. I walked along anyhow and some secret power seemed to guide me until I reached Qadian. I saw the mosque which is now in possession of the Sikhs. Then I walked along the Street which come straight from the quarter of the Kashmiris. I felt much troubled and feared I might lose my senses. I was repeating Lord, manifest Thyself. Lord, manifest Thyself. My hand was in the hands of a lunatic and he also repeated my supplication.....Then I saw two dogs a black and a white one, a man who cut their paws. Afterwards it revealed to me' You are the best Ummah ordained for the wellbeing of the people;(Tazkira, P.838)
  4. Three more revelations of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad were cited to prove that god would help (Ahmadis) return to Qadian.26
  5. The tract cited an address of Mirza Mahmud entitled India, China and Kashmir Problem which he delivered on 28 December 1956 at Rabwah. In that address he predicted that, with the American assistance, Ahmadis would be able to return to Qadian. In the words of Mirza:

    6. 'India will face a danger from the North and the East. It would not be able to withstand it despite having power. It would lose Russian sympathies too. Pray to God; Never think that our Government is weak or we are weak. I see God's finger pointing to it, God will provide a chance whereby Russia and its allies would leave India and America would be constrained to take urgent steps for the fear that Russia and its allies might not intervene.

    Hence you need not be disappointed. Trust in God. God will create favorable conditions for you. Do not you see Jews had waited for 1300 years and ultimately occupied Palestine. But you wait for 1300 years. It is possible that you may not have to wait for 13 years or even 10 years and God would shower His blessings upon you.27

  6. On the basis of yet another dream of Mirza Mahmud (which appeared in daily AlFazl dated 30 May, 1957) the entry of Pak forces into India was described as a Heavenly sign and harbinger of happy news to the Ahmadiyya Community '28
Qadianis plan to return to Qadian after the 'balkanization' of Pakistan miserably failed mainly due to bold resistance of Pak Army to defend their motherland. Ayub Khan, nevertheless realized that Qadianis were the foreign agents and could never be loyal to Pakistan or to him. It became clear to him that they were the pawns in the Imperialist game and could anytime turn against him. But it was difficult to take immediate action against them.

On 2nd February 1966, a 7-man Qadiani team of journalists visited Chamb, Jaurian and Sialkot border areas of the war. Allah Ditta, Editor AlFurqan Rabwah, who was one of the team members, writes that the 17 days Indo-Pak War had established that the fateful days of Kashmir would end. Tashkent Declaration seemed to have brought some change in the situation. However it would be possible that God's help might come soon and in a more forceful way.29

Agonising Death

Mirza Mahmud died after a protracted illness on 8 November 1965. Mirza Nasir Ahmad became new head of the community. Mumtaz Ahmad Faruqi describes the agonizing conditions in which he died in Rabwah. 'He suffered from a stroke of paralysis as was diagnosed by several doctors. Even Mirza Mahmud referred to it in some of his lectures delivered in 1955-56.

Paralysis has been described by the Promised Messiah (in his book Anjam-i-Atham P.61) as a ' punishment of affliction' and he threatened his enemies with 'paralysis' and insanity as a punishment. At present (1964-65) Mirza Mahmud Ahmad behaves like a man bereft of his senses and this state of things has gone on for the last several years. Those who have managed to see him state that at time he cries out with pain and fear and moves restlessly like a fish out of water. Only on rare special occasions he is brought out and sometimes starts weeping. These conditions are even borne out, more or less by a brief report from Dr. Mirza Munawar Ahmad (the son of Mirza Mamud Ahmad ), as published at page two of the newspaper AlFazl of Rabwah, Dated 19.8.1961. He writes as follows:

'Nervous prostration like the loss of memory, and emotional outbursts (like at the mention of holy names, places, and events) are more or less prevalent. Some days the symptoms dwindle but again they intensify; and so the trouble goes on. Because of remaining in prostrate position, there is tension followed by numbness in the leg muscles. All possible efforts to make His Holiness walk a little have failed all along ....'

Since this Qadiani community believes that a Khalifa cannot be deposed, so they still accept this sick, afflicted and useless man as their spiritual head, when the very 'Hand of God' had struck him down from his elevated post. Some years ago, Mirza Mahmud Ahmad was physically attacked by a person and a deep wound was inflicted in his neck. It was symbolic. However the work of the Rabwah Community has perforce to be carried out by a 'Council' presided over by Mirza Nasir Ahmad, the eldest son of Mirza Mahmud Ahmad. A lesson must be learned from this fact, and those who are deputed and appointed by God Himself, never became paralytic and insane and thus useless for their task'.30

Prophetic Curse

During the life time of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad and Mirza Mahmud, many Qadianis laid claim to 'Messiahship', 'Prophethood' and 'Risalat'. There are over 30 such claimants. One amongst them was Khawaja Muhammad Ismail. He studied in Qadian in 1916, did his graduation from Islamia College, Lahore, and worked in a private firm. In 1933, he finally settled in Qadian and was a devotee and bodyguard of Mirza Mahmud. He wrote some booklets Asmani Badshahat, Ithad-ul-Almin etc and finally claimed to be the Mahdi, Messiah and the Prophet of the age. He was expelled from Qadian and finally settled down at 8 Bodwood, London S.W.II. He threw up numerous challenges of Mobahila to Mirza Bashir Ahmad and Mirza Mahmud, condemned Qadiani papacy and launched a crusade against Rabwah. He put out some prophecies, revelationary utterances, predicting a humiliating death for Mirza Mahmud, alleged to be a "Wicked fellow" a "Pharoah" and an "Impostor." He boasted a lot when Mirza Mahmud died in 1965, and on the pattern set by Mirza Qadiani, he published tracts to prove the veracity of his claims. He used all weapons of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad's arsenal to silence Rabwah. It caused a lot of embarrassment to Qadiani elders but they had to pocket the insult.31

50-Years of Mahmudi Raj

Mirza Mahmud held full control over the Ahmadiyya community over 50 years. He was an established Imperialist stooge, a lackey of Jews and a very loyal servant of the British Crown. He nevertheless, organized Ahmadis into a strong Jamat and through his policy of collaboration with the alien powers reaped financial benefits. He promoted his family, invested in real estate and purchased large shares of industrial concerns. He set up his own business enterprises viz. Ahmadiyya store, Globe Trading Company, Gate Factory, Star Hosiery, Darul Sanat, Himalaya Gas Factory, Vedic Yunani Dawakhna and Sind Vegetable Oil and Allied Company, accumulated wealth and responded to the call of his masters through his spy-cum missionary network, which was established mainly in British colonies. He was an average but astute politician, and unscrupulous bargainer and a great opportunist of his time. He knew how to snub his opponents and curb the movements that arose against him. 'His Holiness' was alleged to be a Rasputin and a Pia Jan of Matya Mahal of Qadian.32 He held such a powerful sway over his gullible community that despite all his shortcomings, they sang in sang in chorus: 'Khalifa could do no wrong.' He was regarded an infallible and God-sent Khalifa. The "credit" goes to him for establishing firmly the false prophethood of the Mirza and creating an unbridgeable schism in the body politic of Islam.

Many Qadianis embraced Bahai creed as Qadian drew heavily on Bahai sources to advance their arguments in favour of continuity of Prophethood and other beliefs. Molvi Abdullah Vakil, Master Faqirullah, Mahfoozul Haq Ilmi and some other Qadianis turned Bahai preachers, deplored the hypocrisy of Mirza Mahmud for what he believed and what he preached among his follwers.33

Mirza Mahmud was a master of dirty tricks. He foresaw a bright future for his Jamat in setting up a mission in Israel. His half a century tenure was directed to serve colonial masters and their Zionist collaborators. He wished to set up an Ahmadiyya power base in the sub-continent, for which he served the British Imperialist cause throughout his life and stooped too low to promote their colonial interests, but could not succeed in his venture. He did not have any sympathy or regard for the national liberation movements that sprang in India and other Muslim countries against colonialism. Qadianis proved themselves a team of sycophants working for Imperialist domination. Whenever any political crises ensued in India or a movement started against the British, Qadianis put out massive adulatory literature to justify the alien rule. They were always in the forefront to present addresses of welcome to the new Viceroys and the Governors of Punjab, to apprise them of their political doctrines and express their utmost loyalty for the British Raj. In most cases Zafarullah, the alter ego of Imperialism, led the team of flunkies to shower praise on new masters.

Even before assumption of power in Qadian in 1914, Mirza Mahmud opposed the Cawnpore Mosque Agitation (1913). He extended all sorts of help to the British in the First World War (1914-1918). He employed his Jamat and himself worked actively to sabotage national movements that arose in 1920s, specially Civil Disobedience Movements. In 1934, Ahrars made a bold attempt to storm the Bastille in order to dispel the belief that Qadian was invincible. Qadian hoisted a petard at them but the fervid admiration the Ahrars received from the Punjab Muslims, gave them an immense popularity. He dabbled in the politics of Kashmir to grind his axe. He wanted to establish an Ahmadiyya power center in the State and win new converts in Kashmir. His plans were frustrated by Ahrars. After a good deal of opposition in early 30s, he cleverly turned to the Congress on the eve of Elections in 1937. He discredited Muslim League and praised the Congress leadership when it formed ministries in some provinces in 1937. Qadiani press launched wild attacks on the Muslim League and questioned its credentials. He, in collaboration with the Unionists of the Punjab, worked against the League and its leadership. When Pakistan movement was gaining popularity, Mirza Mahmud opposed the demand for Pakistan because the establishment of a Muslim state was an anathema to him. He was a great exponent of Akhund Hindustan or United India. After the establishment of Pakistan he fled from Qadian in the garb of fortune seeker. He conspired against the integrity of Pakistan and aspired to get back Qadian at the cost of solidarity of the country.

The half a century period of his papacy witnessed a series of internal dissentions and militant uprisings against him and his family members. After assumption of power (1914) his first 'success' was to oust Khawaja Kamal-ud-Din party from Qadian to capture the gaddi of his father. Qadiani heavy weights like Molvi Muhammad Ali, Dr Busharat Ahmad, Mirza Yaqub Beg etc were knocked out in a free style bout at Qadian. They sought refuge in Lahore and set up an Anjuman to run the affairs of the splinter group. He faced the challenge of Lahore Jamat and counteracted their designs and attempts to topple his mini empire of Qadian. In late twenties he faced the challenge of Mistrees and succeeded to check their Mubahila campaign, obviously in collaboration with his mentors. Multani-Misri uprisings (1937) and finally the tirade of Haqiqat Pasand Party brought him a good deal of notoriety.

Mirza Mahmud wielded absolute power to maintain the integrity of his community. He could not tolerate the slightest criticism against him, one could dare to differ with him only except at the cost of his expulsion and excommunication from the community. His internal espionage system was quite powerful to deal with dissidents. This system contributed greatly to restore the confidence of his followers in his 'Khilafat'. He created a special breed of Qadiani controversialists who threw challenges of Munazira (public debates) and engaged ulema in resultless theological discussions to establish the veracity of Ahmadiyya creed. They promoted the British policy of divide and rule and did their utmost to make Qadianis believe that the policy of 'Divide and that the praetorian order set up in the name of Khilafat was a must for the progress and growth of Ahmadiyya Community. Every Qadiani functionary contributed his mite towards image building of Mirza Mahmud. They put out splurge of literature based on prophecies of the Mirza to spruce up the profile of Mirza Mahmud during the time of internal crisis. His mercenaries like Allah Ditta Jallundhry, Jala Din Shams, Hafiz Roshan Ali, Qazi Muhammad Nazir, Ghulam Rasul Rajiki and Abdul Rehman Khadim were specialized in the art of controversy which bordered on stupidity, servility and sycophancy were the main traits of their character.

Although the hirelings of Mirza Mahmud projected him as the Promised Son i.e. Muslih Maud foretold by the Mirza since 1914, yet he waited for 30 years to assume this title in (1914) through an alleged revelation. After that he was painted in the garnish hues as savior of Ahmadiyyat. He inculcated a sense of servile submission in the minds of his followers. When he unscrupulously gave a different version of his beliefs to the Munir Committee in 1954 and took up the position similar to that adopted by Lahore Jamat in order to deceive the Court. Very few of his followers objected to his pretensions.

Certainly there were Ahmadis who did not like his involvement in politics and hated the dubious ways he had been employing to amass wealth for his personal ends, but they lacked courage to stand up in revolt. Their personal interests, economic benefits and family and community relations prevented them to utter a word against the infallible 'Muslih Maud.'

Mirza Qadiani created an empire on the basis of his false prophethood for his family to let them live a luxurious life. Its greatest beneficiary was Mirza Mahmud Ahmad. He staunchly believed in polygamy and had four wives throughout his life. At the fag end of his tenure he left many followers singing poems of praise for him just out of blind love for him.

 

References:

  1. Tariq All op cit P. 88 Acccording to testimony of Ayub's brother Bahadur Khan CIA had a considerable role to play in the coup staged by Ayub in 1958. (Paksitan's Foreign Policy Editor K.Arif Lahore, 1968, P.110)
  2. Robert La Porte JR, Power and Privilege, University of California, USA, 1975, P.150
  3. Zafarullah, Servant of God, P.238
  4. N.B. Brown, The United States, India and Paksitan, P.196
  5. Servant of God, P.274
  6. The Muslim 6 September 1985-Dr Ijaz Hussain's article Zafarullah Khan, the Judge
  7. The Muslim Islamabad, 6 September 1985 (Dr Ijaz Hussain's article-Zafarullah Khan, the Judge)
  8. Sir Zafarullah, Servant of God P.274
  9. The Muslim Islamabad 6 September, 1985
  10. Ibid
  11. Sir Zafarullah, Servant of God P.291
  12. Report Majlis-i-Mushawarat, Rabwah 22-24 March 1963, Rabwah, (Decision No. 14 dated 7 October, 1962).
  13. Ibid
  14. The Muslim Islamabad, 23 September, 1979
  15. M. Asghar Khan, The First Round, London 1975
  16. Ibid
  17. Gavin Kennedy, The Military in the Third World, London 1974
  18. Genral (Rtd) Muhammad Musa, My Version-India Pakistan War 1965, Lahore P.2
  19. Daily Jang, Rawalpindi, August, 1965
  20. Shorish Kashmiri Tehrik Khatm-i-Nabuwat 1976, P.207
  21. A tract complied by J.d. Shams, Masla-i-Kashmir, Cheen Aur Bharat Kee Chaplaqash, Rabwah 1962 was also circulated in Azad Kashmir- compiler.
  22. Shorish Kashmiri, op cit, P.209
  23. Majuda Halat Aur Baaz Khudai Nawishtay, (Present Events and Some Heavenly scriptures) Shoba-Islah-o-Irshed, Jamat Ahmadiyya, Karwan Press Rawalpindi, October, 1965
  24. Ibid
  25. Maujuda Halat P.4 See Also Shashtaris Paish Goi, Ahmadiyya Anjuman, Lahore 1965
  26. Maujuda Halat, PP,6-7
  27. Maujuda Halat, PP.6-7
  28. Ibid P.10
  29. AlFurqan, March, 1966
  30. Mumtaz Ahmad Faruqi, Fateh Haq, P.39
  31. See Khawaja Muhammad Ismail Anzar Azab and Mohlat, ii) AlFurqan iii) Haqiqat-i-Azadi, iv) Haq , vi) Jamat Rabwah ki Tabligh Ka Raz, As-Saboon Publications, Mandi Bahu-uddin. Qadiani called him a mental case (AlFurqan Rabwah November 1972). It was a simple way to get rid of themselves from the onslaught of prophetic curses.
  32. Mirza Muhammad Hussain alleges that he suffered from grandiose delusion and was a sadist and compulsive sex anarchist, (Mirza Muhammad Hussain, Fitna Inkar-i-Khatam-i-Nabuwat Lahore)
  33. It was in early 1924 that Bahai creed was very popular in Qadian. Mahfoozul Haq Ilmi, a Bahai who turned Qadiani, became the editor of AlFazl Qadian. He was the chief exponent of Bahai-Qadianism. The movement secretly gained ground and posed a threat to Qadiani Khilafat. Mirza Mahmud set up an inquiry Commission under Mirza Bashir Ahmad and expelled some Qadianis for preaching Bahaism in the garb of Ahmadiyyat (AlFazl Qadiani, 23 April, 1924)