Anti Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam
26th January 1999
 

Chapter 5

BRITISH STOOL-PIGEON

After the death of Hakim Nuruddin, the spark of discontent and dissention which had been slowly smoldering for the last six years (1908-14) burst into flames. Mir Nasir Nawab, Mir Ishaque and the Ansarullah party installed Mirza Mahmud to power after a show of strength and goondaism unparalleled in the history to the community. The Hakim, who exercised authoritarianism in the capacity of Khalifa of the community, wanted Mirza Mahmud to be his successor 1 although he knew the moral weakness of ‘the son of his prophet.’ When Mirza Mahmud was a student and an adolescent, some very immoral and shameful incidents were attributed to him.2 One of them was the offence of adultery, which he said to have committed. A few close disciples of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad discussed in their private meetings the ‘immoral’ acts of this alleged transsexual. Mirza Ghulam Ahmad also came to know of it. Unlike solving the problem through his revelation, he appointed a commission3 to inquire into the incident of adultery. Nuruddin realized the gravity of situation. He cleverly bought over a witness and prevailed upon others to be lenient as it indirectly involved the prestige of the Promised Messiah. The matter was hushed up for want of four witnesses required to prove the offense of adultery in Islamic law.

After becoming head of the community, the Hakim faced an opposing Sadr Anjuman Ahmadiyya. Some of its members criticized him openly for his over-powering attitude. The question whether the Anjuman or the Caliph is the successor of the Promised Messiah was frequently discussed by a group of Qadianis in 1909. This dissident group was later known as Lahore group after the split in 1914. This group maintained that Mirza, in his last will (AlWasiyat 1905) gave a setup to run the community. In this context, he founded Sadre Anjuman Ahmadiyya, Qadian (1906) as an executive body. Its decisions were normally final and binding.4 The other group led by Mirza Mahmud and assisted by Mir Nasir Nawab and Mir Ishaque, his maternal grandfather and uncle respectively, undermined the Anjuman. A party known as Ansarullah was founded to on with false and malicious propaganda against the dissident group condemned as Khawaja Kamaluddin and party.5 The internal rivalry bogged down to the questioning of prophethood of Mirza, Kufr (heresy) of non-Ahmadis and allied matters. Both groups extensively quoted from the writings of Mirza in support of their claims. It is funny that each one of them deduced whatever was liked from the ambiguous writings and vague revelations of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad.

In the lifetime of the Hakim (end of 1913), two anonymous tracts viz Izharul Haque I and II appeared from Lahore. The writer discussed issues like Ahmadiyya Caliphate, powers of the Anjuman, high handedness of the Hakim and his cynical behaviour towards senior members of the community. Allegations and counter allegations were leveled against one another by different groups of the community. The Paigham-e-Sulh, Lahore, represented Lahore Jama'at and AlFazl, Qadian voiced the Qadiani Jama'at’s feelings. The Hakim saw the game with great sorrow and helplessness. He was then lying sick in bad. In extreme distress he wrote a letter to Khawaja Kamaluddin (then in England) and lamented that 'his integrity is at stake. He is charged with misappropriating money.’ Then he remarked:

"Nawab Muhammad Ali (of Maleer Kotla, Mirza’s son in law), Mir Nasir and Mirza Mahmud Ahmad are worthless people whose zeal is misplaced. I am played by them. May Allah rid of them Amen! (26 November 1913).7 Earlier, in another letter to Dr. Muhammad Hussain, he said, ‘The Mian Sahib is sickly and squeamish, weak of heart and shaky. Small wonder, then if he should fly into passion. You are a medical man. Can’t you understand this? A long suffering sick man becomes irascible and ill-tempered. No proof on him; it can, however, be on you. May Allah be pleased with you all! Amen! (9 May 1913). 8 At others he admonished and insulted the Lahore members to assert his position.9 Anyhow, after the death of the Hakim, Mirza Mahmud and his party enacted an election drama in Qadian. An unprecedented show of strength and rowdyism was put up by the Ansarullah. Those who rose up to say a few words were mewed and shouted down. Mirza Mahmud carried the day. Telegrams were sent to the British Government and all branches of the Anjuman were informed accordingly.10 He was 25 at that time.

The British Imperialists certainly sympathized with Mirza Mahmud and recognized his an heir apparent to the ‘throne.’ The clique that wielded real power behind the scene had close links with some senior British officers. Also Mahmud had already proved his worth by writing against the Muslim struggle movement that was going on at that time in India and by undertaking a spy mission in the Middle East during the period of the Hakim’s ascendancy. The British wirepullers knew that a young and docile head of the community could tow their line better.

Condemnation of Arabs World

During the 1st World War, Qadian strongly condemned the Turkish Caliphate. To appease Zionist masters and strengthen his position, Mirza Mahmud extended full support to the British with men and money in the 1st World War. A malicious propaganda campaign was launched in India and abroad, as Turkey sided with Germany against the Allies. Its immediate downfall and dismemberment were predicted.

Tarikh-e-Ahmadiyyat says:

'He (Mirza Mahmud) wrote a pamphlet in Arabic entitled Al Dinul Haye (A living religion) for wider distribution in the Arab world. It contained Mirza Ghulam Ahmad’s Prophecy concerning the downfall of the Turkish Empire. He invited the Muslim world to accept Hazrat Mirza’s prophethood. 11 Zionist circles managed to disseminate this pamphlet in many Middle East countries. Certain Qadianis equipped with anti-Turk literature visited the Muslim countries to carry out subversive activities on the directive of the British Imperialists and their Zionist collaborators.

First World War

The First World War lasted for four years (1914-18) without any intermission. In the beginning it was a war among a few States of Europe. Gradually it absorbed almost the whole of the human race. Turkey was tricked to come in on the side of Germany, followed by Austria and Hungary in November 1914 and Bulgaria in October 1915.

A day before World War 1 broke out in the East, the Turks signed a secret alliance with the Germans. But for three months they did not enter the War. The Germans resolved to end the shilly shallying. Anchored off Constantinople were two warships the Germans had sold to the Turks. Without a word to Enver Pasha, the Turk Commander, the Germans ordered the ships with their German crews into the Black Sea to bombard the Russian Coast. The trick worked. Russia first and then rest of the allies declared war on the Ottoman Empire. Against the four powers ultimately stood almost 15 powers of the world. Britain played a peculiar role in the War as a leading colonial power. 12

Mirza Mahmud wrote an article on 9 November 1914 on the entry of Turkey into the World War on German side. He called Turkey’s declaration of war against the Allies as ‘an act committed without any reason’ and forcefully announced ‘the end of the so-called Caliphate of Turk Khalifatul Muslim' in accordance with the prophecy of the promised Messiah.13 He proved himself an outspoken and outstanding champion of Great Britain and offered his moral support and considerable financial aid14 to the Imperialist War fund - Indian Imperial Relief fund.

Qadiani community, although less in number, was united in their loyalty to the British Raj. AlFazl called on all Muslims to be loyal to the Government. Total disappearance of the Turkish Empire and its obliteration from Europe and Asia were predicted by Qadiani community from time to tome during the War.

The Government of India was constantly afraid that Turkey’s call for a Jehad against the British infidels might lead to a revolt among the Indian Muslim. If combined with an invasion of Northwest India from the warrior Kingdom of Afghanistan, this would mean the creation of a new war front at a time when much of the Indian Army had been sent to fight in the Middle East and France. Almost the entire British bureaucracy in India including the Viceroy, Lord Chelmsford, feared that the Hejaz rising might be precisely the catalyst to precipitate such troubles, since the Indian Muslims were believed to revere the Sultan of Turkey.15 This fear was aggravated by the weakening in Russia’s military position, which involved a danger that the Turkish forces in Persia would be able to fight their way through to Afghanistan. In that case, Sir Beauchamp Duff, the Commander in Chief of the Indian Army, was convinced that Afghanistan would enter the World War on the side of Germany and Turkey.

During their expansionist moves, the British Imperialists tried to dispel the Muslim fears that any harm could be done to the Holy places. British Prime Minister, Asquith, assured to defend these places against all invaders as a part of their foreign policy.16 Qadiani prayed for the British control over the Holy places and it was emphasized that under the British control these places would be free from molestation during the War. The Review of Religions, Qadian, found a confirmation of the Surah AlFil in the Promise of Great Britain to defend the Holy places in Arabia against an attack:

‘But the God of Kaaba, who in His Holy Book has made a promise for its protection against the all invaders, had on this occasion moved the Ministers of one of these Christian powers, to make the solemn promise at the very outbreak of the war that not only they themselves could refrain from attacking the Holy places of Muslims, but they would protect them against every invader. If ever any statesman spoke under divine inspiration, it was the Premier of Great Britain, who made the above declaration. While thanking him for this announcement of his, we assure him that if ever Great Britain be called upon to fight any invader of the Holy city of Mecca, God will be with Great Britain, and will fight the enemy as He fought the forces of Abraha in the year of the Holy Prophet’s birth.’ 17 Qadiani agents volunteered their services to the British. Although not large in number in 1915, some of them joined the intelligence agencies and were sent to the Middle East with the British Army Units to undertake spying activities. Mirza Muhammad Sharif Khan Qadiani, a Pay Havaldar in Border Military, Peshawar was promoted as Sub Inspector Police by Graxon, the Superintendent of Police, Peshawar, for working as spy. He was sent to the Persian Gulf to check the flow of arms into Baluchistan Coast by the tribesmen. He returned successful and became 'Thanedar' in Peshawar. Graxon also promoted another Qadiani, Mirza Nasir Ahmad, as Sub Inspector Police and sent him to the Persian Gulf for espionage activities.18

A few British agents under the cover of Ahmadiyya missionaries spied on the revolutionaries who had been active for the cause of an independent Indian Republic in London, Paris, Berlin and Tokyo. At the time of the War, a program to liberate India was prepared by Sheikhul Hind Maulana Mahmud-ul-Hassan. He left for Hejaz in order to make contacts with the Turks.19 After his meeting with Enver Pasha (1881-1922) and Jamal Pasha (1861-1922) he was detained by Sharif of Mecca’s men, when they rose in revolt against the Turks and handed him over the British who interned him in Malta between 1917-1920. One of his aides, Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi, went to Afghanistan and worked with German and Turkish revolutionaries to stir up tribesmen against the British on the North-west frontier. 20

During the first two years of the war, the fighting deadlocked on the Western front, and Russia, isolated from the Allies behind the closed gates of the Bosphorus, called for help. The Allies decided to attack Turkish capital through straits at Dardenelles. In 1915, a French-British assault at Gallipoli failed. The Allies shifted their attack to the remote areas of the Ottoman Empire, the Caucasus, Mesopotamia and the Near East.

Iraq

The main British consideration for sending troops to Mesopotamia (Iraq) was to protect the oil works and pipelines at Abadan and to demonstrate to the Arabs of Iraq and to Sheikhs of the Persian Gulf regions, who were under British protection that they could have British support against Turkey. It was also thought that occupation of Iraq was essential for the security of India.21

A British force from India had been fighting the Turks in Iraq. The Turks first put them to flight and then surrendered them. A force of ten thousand British soldiers was trapped at Kut and all attempts at rescuing them failed. In London the war leaders asked Lawrence of Arabia to go to Iraq to buy off the Turks. He made contacts with the Turkish General, Khalil Pasha, and offered him one million pounds in gold to let the British soldiers out of the trap. Khalil Pasha only laughed. Lawrence increased the amount two million pounds, but again he flatly refused. 22

The Turks gallantly fought against the Imperialist aggression to save Iraq. However Baghdad fell and British forces victoriously entered into Iraq from all sides on 11 March 1917. The British Army was led by Sir Stanley Maud.

In Iraq expedition, Qadianis fought side by side with the British soldiers motivated by a religious zeal. Mirza Mahmud claims:

"Ahmadis shed their blood in securing the victory of Iraq for the British and hundreds of Ahmadis got themselves recruited in the Army on my directives." 23 Major Habibullah, the brother in law of Mirza Mahmud Ahmad, served in the Medical Corps. He was offered key administrative posts in Iraq and was regarded the most trusted Imperialist agent. He was the brother of Zainul Abdin Waliullah Shah. The notorious Qadiani agent planted in Palestine during the War.

The Qadiani community in India rejoiced at the fall of Baghdad and expressed their immense satisfaction over this tragedy. AlFazl Qadian, commenting on the fall of Baghdad stated:

‘I give happy news to my Ahmadi brothers who are in the habit of pondering over every issue. God threw open the doors of victories for our blessed Government when they had moved to Basra and Baghdad. It was not an occasion of an ordinary rejoicing for Ahmadis; rather the glad tidings foretold in the Revealed Books hundreds and thousands of years ago had now been fulfilled in front of us in the year 1335 A.H.' 24 Mirza Mahmud and the Qadiani community paid tribute to the British Imperialism. They were happy that the British had grabbed the strategic areas in the Middle East that would help them set up their missions abroad under the British patronage.25

Hejaz

In Hejaz, the Sharif of Mecca revolted against the Turks. He had four sons, Ali, Faisal, Abdullah and Zaid. In 1914, he sent Abdullah to Cairo to call on Lord Kitchener, the British agent and Consul General in Egypt, to seek the British assistance. The meeting had no practical results but it established a rapport between the two men.26

Ali and Faisal had been serving in the Turkish army, leading the Arab force, which the Turks had trained. They, on the orders of their father, took those Arab troops away from the Turks into the desert where they hid them. At the same time, Sharif of Mecca announced the Arab revolt, by poking his rifle out of the window of his house in Mecca and firing at the Turkish barracks there. The British agents who had been active in Mecca intensified their activities. Lawrence of Arabia met Sharif and his son to decide who could best serve their political designs. He chose Faisal. The revolt swept the Hejaz and created great difficulties for the Turks to maintain.27

An year before the first War, Christian missionaries had spread their tentacles in Hejaz.28 Similarly Mirza Mahmud capitalized on the opportunity for massive agents' incursion into Arabia. Montague, the Secretary of State for India, and a Jew by origin, encouraged their movement to intensify the activities of spies in the Arab lands. They received instructions from Arab Bureau of Intelligence, set up in 1916 by Sir Gilbert Clayton, the Chief of the Arab Bureau (civil and military) Cairo. The newly created Bureau aimed to organize Britain’s role in the Arab revolt.

Syria

The Imperialist and Zionist leaders had been looking for the end of the Turkish rule in Syria since long. In early 1915 Jamal Pasha, Turk GOC in Syria found some documents which had been abandoned by F.G. Picot, the French consular of Syria. These papers incriminated certain nationalists. Jamal imprisoned, deported or hanged some of them and put down the movement. The situation was very tense when the World War raged. Lawrence, with the help of Sharif of Mecca and his son Faisal seized the strategic port of Aqaba, which enabled the British to move into Syria.29 The British Army, under Sir Archibald Murray, made a little success. After the second battle of Gaza (June 1917), Sir Edward Allenby, succeeded Sir Archibald as Commander of Army. His cavalry raced up the coast, swung east across the Judean hills and finally drove on to capture Damascus. Jerusalem fell on 11 December 1917. A few months later, on 30 October 1918, twelve days before Germany gave up, the Turks surrendered.

In Syria, Zainul Abdin Waliullah Shah, the notorious Qadiani secret agent, worked under the cover of a Turk ally since 1913. During the War he joined the Turk Army and posed to fight from their side. In 1918, when Syria fell to the British, its Armies led by Allenby marched into Syria. Waliullah immediately turned over to them. It may be stated here that during the expedition the British forces, though heavily bombarded Turkish Army Headquarter at Tul-e-Keram, yet could not advance. It was due to persistent attacks of RAF and Australian Flying Corps coupled with the blockade of roads at several places that the British could make an advance.30 Waliullah was fighting along with the Turk soldiers on that very front. When the war ended, he was arrested.

"In the last week of the last year of First World War i.e. in October, 1918 I was arrested from Damascus on the order of General Allenby as a political and war prisoner. I was taken to Palestine on the Promise that after a certain inquiry I would be sent back to Damascus where I held the post of vice principal-ship of Sultania (College) and had not handed over its charge yet. But at the Damascus Station, which lay towards the open and where I had been taken in a car, I came to know about my arrest from the stationmaster who was acquainted with me. The British military Officer approached him to arrange tickets for travel. As the stationmaster did not understand English, he brought the papers to me. It was written that Syed Zainul Abdin had been arrested on the orders of Allenby as a political and war prisoner and hie might be provided travelling facilities. However I was otherwise informed that the British wanted to investigate certain things after which I would be sent back to Damascus. It included my participation in the expedition of Tul-e-Karem. As I came to know from Major Vivian, who told me for the first time, two days before my arrest that in that expedition as English company suffered badly. A charge was leveled against me that I was involved in it and that only on the basis of my intelligence the British troops which planned to ambush and were hiding themselves in nearby mountains were besieged by the Turkish Army and suffered heavy losses. Moreover there was also a charge that I participated in a military expedition in 1915-16. I gave a sole reply that being an Ahmadi it was my religious duty to cooperate with the Government in power. I was sent in a military camp for court martial. But when the military guards revived an order from an officer that he should be safely taken to the officer’s camp, it brought great astonishment to them. I was lodged in a comp. It was a Turk POW military officers camp. After 4 or 5 days I was taken to Cairo where I was put in Qasr-e-Nile Fort situated near the bank of the river Nile. I had to undergo imprisonment for 7 months. The Turks, Bulgarians and German military officers were also present there. Zaghlul Pasha was imprisoned for one or two days in the Fort." 31 After the war, Zainul Abdin was sent to India. Mirza Mahmud had full knowledge of his arrest. He called on the Viceroy of India to secure his release.32 He was freed and reached Qadian on 26 May 1919. He held the post of Propaganda Secretary for a number of years at Qadian.

Balfour Declaration

Over a month before the capture of Jerusalem, on 2 November 1917, the notorious Balfour Declaration was issued by the British Government in the form of a letter written by the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to Lord Rothschild. Arabs knew nothing about the Declaration. The British Imperialists were double-dealing with the Arabs.

The British pledged Arab independence in return for help in the War against Turks. This can be corroborated by the correspondence that took place during the period July 1915 to March 1916, between the Sharif Hussain of Mecca on behalf of the British and Sir Henry MacMahon, the British High Commissioner in Egypt on behalf of the British Government. But the British deceived Arabs to appease Zionists and fulfil their sinister political designs, in the Arab World.33 The British Government also concluded an agreement with the French Government in May, 1916 in consultation with the Tsarist Russia which stipulated that Palestine was to be separated from Turkish territory and subjected to s special regime but not given independence. It is called Picot Sykes Agreement. The agreement was secret until November 1917, when the Communist Government in Russia published a copy of it, found in the archives of the foreign Ministry at Petrograd.34

The Turks gave it a wide publicity to stop the Arab Revolt. Jamal Pasha, the Turk C-in-C sent the details of agreement to Faisal, the son of Sharif of Mecca through a secret letter. The British were perturbed over it, but the Foreign Office eventually, on Wingate’s advice and with the approval of A.J. Balfour, the British Foreign Secretary, authorised the British agent at Jeddah to send Hussain a master piece of evasion, distortion, omission and which in effect derided that the Sykes Picot agreement existed." 35

Imperialist intrigues against the Muslim world constitute a tragic part of history. We are, however, concerned only with what Mirza Ghulam Ahmad and his successors say about the colonization of Jews in Palestine and dismemberment of Turkish Empire.

Prophecy about Israel Fulfilled

Qadianis had always held the belief that in accordance with the prophecies of the Promised Messiah, a Jewish state would be established. His prophecies about gathering of Jews in Palestine and change in the attitude of European nation for them are quite clear. The following prophetic utterances of Mirza are given to elaborate his viewpoint:

"I have saved Israel from detriment. The Pharaoh and Haman, the armies of both, in the wrong. Avenues useful for Arabs. Arabs set out from their home."36 Review of Religions, after giving these prophecies of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad says: The prophecy contains the revelation, "I have saved Israel from detriment. This indicates that the calamity was to result in some advantage for Jews." 37 Giving a background to the Jewish ‘nationalist’ movement that emerged during the 1st World War, the paper adds: "A very feature of the War (1914-18) was relief to the people of Israel. This feature of the prophecy received a clear fulfillment. The War was not yet over when, as a consequence of War itself, Mr. (later Lord) Balfour declared that the people of Israel who had been without a "homeland" would be settled in their ancient "homeland", Palestine. The allied nations promised to compensate the people of Israel for injustices done to them in the past. In accordance with that declaration, Palestine was taken from Turkey and declared the national home of the jews. The administration of palestine was shaped so as to make it easy for Jews to make it their homeland. A very old demand of the Jews that conditions promoting their national cohesion should be created for them was met." 38 The paper continues that the strangest thing about this part of the prophecy is its reference in the Holy Quran of gathering of Jews in Palestine in latter days. "The promise of latter days relates to the Promised Messiah. The re-gathering of Israel, therefore, was to take place in the time of the Promised Messiah. The Quranic words ‘We shall bring you together’ refer to the present influence of Jews into Palestine. Jews from different countries are provided facilities of travel and rehabilitation. The revelation of the Promised Messiah said, ‘I will relieve the Children of Israel.’ This indicated the end of opposition which nations of the world had offered so long to an independent home for Jews."39 This makes Qadiani’s attitude clear about the gathering of Jews in Palestine and the creation of their ‘state’ against all cannons of justice. Jews should be indebted to Mirza for he prophesized them a bright future in early 20th century, many years before the Balfour Declaration. Bahaullah, a contemporary of Mirza and a Jewish-Zionist agent, also published his Alwah, revelations and utterances predicting the establishment of a state for Jews and sympathized with their ‘nationalist aspirations.’

Meeting with Montague

During the war, Mirza Mahmud called on Montague, the Jew Secretary of State for India. He explained him Qadiani point of view on the question of Indian Self-Government40 and discussed the prospective Qadiani role in the Indian politics. AlFazl Qadian called the meeting a landmark in the history of Ahmadiyyat. The discussions were said to have concerned ‘with very important and necessary affairs.’ 41

In India, Mirza Mahmud was chalking our his Palestine policy in the light of new political developments in the Middle East while in Britain Qazi Muhammad Abdullah, Incharge of the London Ahmadiyya Mission, had launched a pro-Jewish campaign in the European press, after the fall of Jerusalem and capture of Syria by the British forces. He contributed an article in the British press on the fall of Palestine and paid great tribute to the British Government and its policy of peach, justice and religious tolerance. He emphasized that only the British rule was best for the Muslims. Allenby’s liberation of Jerusalem was discussed as 'a triumphant last crusade.' The copy of the article was sent to Lloyd George, a pro-Zionist British Prime Minister to apprise him of the Ahmadiyya point of view on the establishment of a Jewish homeland. Sir Philip Sassoon, the Secretary to the Prime Minister and a diehard Jew wrote him a letter of thanks and conveyed Lloyd George’s highest appreciation for it. 42

The War Ends

Turkey sued for an armistice with the Allies in October, 1918 and the German High Command did so after a month. The war came to an end. The Musliims of India had great sympathies for Turkey and its Sultan. They felt the anguish of the crumbling Empire which subsequently culminated into Khilafat Movement. On the other hand, Qadianis rejoiced at the fall of Hejaz, Baghdad, Syria and Constantinople and celebrated the occasion with illuminations. They emphatically assured the British government of the unflinching loyalty and whole-hearted devotion of Qadiani community at every critical juncture.43 The underlying motive has been given by AlFazl:

"As a matter of fact, the British Government is a shield under the protection of which the Ahmadi sect goes on advancing further and further. Just move away from this shield and you will be pierced by a volley of poisoned arrows from all directions. Why should not then we be grateful to this Government? Our interests are linked with this Government to such an extent that its ruin will be our ruin and its progress our progress; where ever the British Empire spreads, we will find a field for our Missions."44 The Muslims generally refused to participate in the so-called peace celebrations and faced the repressive measures of the British Government. At the Amritsar Session of the Muslim League, it was declared that the Muslims should abstain from such celebrations as their holy places had been waned from the Muslim custody, and their religion forbade any such rejoicing and whenever there was any conflict between the command of their faith and the wishes of the officials their first duty should be to obey the former, which no earthly consideration could possibly override. It was also resolved to launch an agitation, including the boycott of the British Army.

It is interesting to quote from a Christian missionary journal’s confidential report about Muslim reaction to the Peace Conference celebration:

"As we go to press, the Victory Celebrations are almost on us. At the last moment, a fatwa has gone forth from Lukhnow to the effect that it is haram for Muslim to take part in the rejoicings. ‘How can true believers, it runs, rejoice when there is the prospect of their last great power passing away, when the Khilafat of the Prince of Believers, the deputy of the Prophet of God, is like a lump of wax, nay, say rather when preparations are afoot for the ruin and destruction of Islam itself.’ This is rather a time for mouring (Maulana Abdul Bari of Lukhnow).
    The fatwa is being acted upon. In this city, as in many other, down every bye lane the notice is being distributed. Mass meetings of Hindus and Muslims making common cause are being called to put into effect the injunctions of Mahatma Gandhi and Maulana Abdul Bari. Muslim leaders have gone so far as to threaten the Muslims who take part in it.
    Those who took part in Victory Celebrations were called traitors to Islam by the Muslim press. We have no hesitation in characterizing those who profess to be Musalman but had the heart and the audacity to join the Peace Celebration, in spite of the fatwa of the ulema to the contrary, as no better than traitors to Islam whether they have become Kafirs or not it is not for us to say, it is for the ulema to express an opinion on the point (The Musalman Calcutta, Friday, January,9,1920)."45 Qadianis rejoiced the occasion and took active part in the Peace Celebrations.

AlFazl wrote:

"On 13th (November 1918) when Germany signed the Armistice and the War ended, a wave of happiness and joy passed through the heart of all the people (in Qadian) like an electric current. Whosoever heard the news, brimmed with happiness and joy. The offices of both the schools viz. Anjuman-I-Tarraqi-I-Islam and Saddar Anjuman-I-Ahmadiyya were closed. A meeting was held in Masjid-e-Mubarik after the Asr prayers. Maulana Syed Muhammad Sarwar Shah, in his address, expressed satisfaction over the British Victory on behalf of Jama'at Ahmadiyya. He stated that the victory would prove very beneficial for the long term objectives of Ahmadiyya Jama'at." 46 Tarikh-I-Ahmadiyyat says: "Congratulatory telegrams were sent on behalf of Hazrat Khalifa-ul-Masih-II and Hazur (Mirza Mahmud) himself sent a sum of Rs. 500 to the Deputy Commissioner, Gurdaspur, to spend it wherever he deemed necessary. Before that he had handed over a sum of Rs.5,000 to the Deputy Commissioner for the purposes of War when Turkey and Austria surrendered. On the occasion of rejoicing over the British victory, Maulvi Abdul Ghani, Secretary Anjuman-e-Ahmadiyya for War assistance and Sheikh Yaqub Ali, Editor, AlHakam, Qadian sent congratulatory telegrams to His Honour Lt. Governor of the Punjab."47 Mirza Mahmud, in his Present to the Price of Wales (1921) state: "His Majesty, the King-Emperor and your Royal Highness are witnesses of the fulfillment of this (Mirza’s) prophecy by virtue of the victory which was vouchsafed to Britain as a result of the Promised Messiah’s prayers; the Kaisar is a witness of its fulfillment by virtue of defeat sustained by him and the Czar has sealed its truth by the misery suffered by him." 48 AlFazl added that the British victory in the War was the result of Mirza Mahmud’s prayers. ‘It is a great blessing of God that with the increase in power and influence of the British, (in the conquered territories) those areas which were hitherto completely closed for the Ahmadiyya preaching had been opened for them. There was a dire need to preach Ahmadiyya beliefs in those countries.’ 49 Munir Report states that the celebrations at Qadian, of the victory when Baghdad fell to the British in 1918 during the First War, in which Turkey was defeated, caused bitter resentment among Musalmans and Ahmadiyyat began to be considered as a handmaid of the British.50 This can be further confirmed from the addresses of Mirza Mahmud, in which he dwelt on the British relations with the Ahmadiyya Community: "The relations of the Ahmadiyya Community with the British Government are of a quite different nature from those of the other communities as they are intervowen. The farther the British rule spreads, the more chances do we get for advancing forward. And God forbid, if this Government suffers a set back, we too will not escape its consequences." 51 The Lahore organ of Ahmadiyya community wrote that during the War, Qadian had turned itself into a political centre and people from every nook and corner of India had been sending letters on political matters to seek advice from Mian Mahmud. Even people from other parts of world, like Afghanistan, come to Qadian and Mian Sahib served as an honest broker between them and the British Government. Qadian is a purely political centre and what Mian Sahib was doing could not be done even by great political conspirators.52

References

  1. Pir Manzor Muhammad Qadiani published a signed note of Hakim Nuruddin in 1914, It gives his firm belief that Mirza Mahmud is the Promised son referred to in the writings of Mirza Ghulam Ahmed (Pir Manzoor Mohammad, Pisar-i-Maud, Allah Bux Press, Qadian May 1914, P.28 see also his booklet, Nishan-i-Fazl, Qadian, August, 1914)
  2. Mumtaz Ahmad Faruqi, Fateh Haque, Ahmadiyya Anjuman Lahore, 1965, P.40
  3. Ibid
  4. Mumtaz Ahmad Ali, the Great Missionary Lahore, 1966, P.31
  5. Muhammad Ali, True Facts About the Split, P.99
  6. See Tarikh-e-Ahmadiyyat Vol VI, P.506, Muhammad Ali, op cit p.99. Truth Prevails, (English translation Qazi Muhammad Nazir's Ghalba-e-Haque), Rabwah, PP, 126-127, Dr. Busharat Ahmad, Mira-tul-Ikhtalaf, Ahmadiyya Anjuman, Lahore, 1938
  7. Mumtaz Faruqi, Op, cit P.36
  8. Muhammad Ali, Op, cit. P.96
  9. Mirza Mahmud, op cit. P.291
  10. Tehrik-e-Ahmadiyyat Vol II, Ahmadiyyat Anjuman Lahore, 31
  11. Tarikh-e-Ahmadiyyat Vol V, P.169
  12. See Sir L. Lewellyn Woodward, Great Britain and the War of 1914-18, Methuen and Co. Ltd. London, 1967
  13. Tarikh-e-Ahmadiyyat, Vol V, P.178
  14. Ibid P.177
  15. See V.R.Rothwell, British War Aims and Peace Diplomacy, Claredon Press, Oxford, London, 1971, P.89
  16. The Moslim World Vol V, 1915 P.309
  17. The Moslim World Vol V, 1915 P.309
  18. Qazi Muhammad Yosaf, Amir Jamat Sarhad, Tarikh-e-Ahmadiyya Sarhad, Manzoor Aam Press, Peshawar 1959,
  19. See Maulana Hussain Ahmad Madni, Naqsh-i-Hayat, Vol II Deoband, 1954 PP 145-81
  20. Sir Michael O'Dwyer, India As I Knew It, London 1925, PP 178-80 See also Valentine Chirol, Indian Unrest, MacMillan and Co, London 1910
  21. Peter Mansfield, The Arabs, P.191
  22. Knigtley and Simpson, op cit, P.62
  23. AlFazl Qadian, 31 August, 1923
  24. AlFazl Qadian, 13 April 1917
  25. AlFazl Qadian 17 September, 1918
  26. Peter Mansfield, op. cit. P.194
  27. See T.W. Lawrence (of Arab), Seven Pillars of Wisdom, Trinity Press, London, 1973,PP 65-71
  28. News and Notes Series VIII. No. 6, December 1919 P. 61(Confidential)
  29. Knightly and Simpson, op. cit. P.96
  30. G.V. Carey and H.S. Scott An Outline History of Great War, (Allenby's Dispatch, 31 October, 1918) Cambridge University Press, 1929, P. 236
  31. Zainul Abdin, Hayat-e-Aakhrat, Rabwah, 1952 P.50
  32. Tarikh-e-Ahmadiyyat, Vol IV P. 465
  33. Sami Hadawi, Bitter Harvest, Palestine Between 1914-1979, The Caravan Books, USA, 1979, P. 11
  34. Knightly and Simpson, op, cit. P.90
  35. Knightly and Simpson op cit. P.91
  36. Tazkira PP. 561-62
  37. Review of Religions, Rabwah November, 1976 P. 320
  38. Tazkira, P. 563. Review of Religions, op cit P.P. 320-321
  39. Ibid P. 321. See Also Mirza Mahmud Ahmad, Invitation To Ahmadiyyat, Rabwah, 1961, P.276
  40. AlFazl Qadian, 20 November, 1917
  41. Ibid
  42. AlFazl Qadian, 19 March, 1918
  43. See Tarikh-e-Ahmadiyyat Vol V, P.177
  44. AlFazl Qadian, 19 October, 1915
  45. News and Notes Series VIII No.9 January 1920 (Confidential)
  46. AlFazl Qadian, 16 November 1918
  47. Tarikh-i-Ahmadiyyat Vol V, P. 238
  48. Mirza Mahmud, A Present to His Royal Highness, The Prince of Wales, Qadian, P.91
  49. AlFazl Qadian, 23 November, 1918
  50. Munir Report, P.196
  51. AlFazl Qadian, 27 July, 1918
  52. Paigham-i-Sulh, Lahore 5 December, 1917