Anti Ahmadiyya movement in Islam
14th February 1999
Chapter 18


As stated earlier, the Qadianis shifted their power based from Qadian to Rabwah near Sargodha. Rabwah, under the changed circumstances enjoyed a special status like the Vatican. It was a "State" within the state, with strong links with Imperialism and special links with Zionist Israel. All planning, coordination and controlling of Qadiani activities was done from Rabwah. No government ever checked their political activities in a serious manner due to their influence in Administration.

As a part of their doctrine, Qadianis penetrated the Muslim rank and file by confusing innocent minds through an anti Islamic exploitation of human weaknesses. When Pakistan, in her initial days of independence, was striving hard for her existence and survival, Qadianis with the help of the "invisible hands" of Imperialism and neocolonialism, were making deep thrusts into the bureaucracy, Armed Forces and other official and semi-official institutions. After having captured a number of key posts in these institutions, they converted or attempted to convert their "subordinates" to Qadianism. It was not a purely religious matter between God and man and certainly not in line with Quaid-e-Azam's policy framework. It was a planned, collective "shudhi" like move, an aggression, exploitation and a religious assimilation. The advocates of secularism or "broadminded democratic regimes" did not take any notice of such aggressive designs. As a result, Qadianis got a free hand to indoctrinate the general masses through extensive use of "carrot and stick " methods. They enjoyed tremendous political influence to defeat any move and punished any person or organization that worked against their wishes and designs. 1

After the death of Liaqat Ali, Nazimuddin took over the prime minister-ship and Ghulam Muhammad, a former civil servant, became Governor General of Pakistan. 'The change in the political leadership came about at a time when, after four years of existence, political cohesion and emotion, had been submerged by realities and Pakistan had began to show signs of restlessness. The constitution was still not framed, the Constituent Assembly had become a battleground of factional and regional disputes. The Centre and the provinces were at loggerheads, and the provinces were fighting among themselves. The economy was in decline because the boom of the Korean War had eased, there was shortage of food, the dominant Muslim League was rapidly losing influence, and politicians were engaged in intrigues and squabbles especially in the Punjab. There was tension between the East and West Pakistan and a sense of disillusionment prevailed. No real success had been achieved in the rehabilitation, Kashmir, and canal water disputes with India continued to cast a shadow over Pakistan's security.2

Dissatisfaction prevailed among the people of Pakistan at the role Mirza Mahmud had been playing in the newly created state of Pakistan. They came to know that Qadianis were playing the Imperialist game in order to undermine the integrity of the State. Qadianis' intrigues in Kashmir and Baluchistan and their involvement in the Pindi Conspiracy Case helped to know their future political plans. It was also believed that Qadianis were in one way or other responsible for assassination of Liaqat Ali Khan who had come to know about their secret workings and planned a reshuffle in his Cabinet. People did not like Zafarullah at all for his past role as a very loyal servant of British Imperialism and his perspective on foreign policy. He betrayed the Muslims when called upon to plead the League's case before the Boundary Commission and Kashmir issue before the UN. His useless rhetorics brought nothing but untold miseries to Kashmir Muslims and deadlock over the issue.

Movement Takes Shape

The Anti Ahmadiyya Movment took shape in mid 1948 and reached its peak in 1953. An year after the establishment of Pakistan, Mirza Mahmud launched a contact campaign in West Pakistan. When he reached Quetta he heard the news of killing of one of his disciples, an Army Officer. 3 The Muslim Railway Employees Association, Quetta, organized a public meeting on 11 August 1948. The ulema addressed the gathering on the subject of Khatm-e-Nabuwwat, Major Mahmud Qadiani loitered about the venue in a suspicious manner. The organizers got alarmed and caught him before he could manage to whisk away. He was stabbed to death.

Within a few months time, the ulema of all shades of opinion launched a movement against Rabwah. The main theme of their addresses was that Mirza Ghulam Ahmad was a British agent who had been created by the British to disrupt Islamic solidarity. The activities of Qadianis in the Islamic State of Pakistan should be checked. Before the partition, Mirza Mahmud had told his followers that Pakistan was not going to come into existence and that if any such state was created, the Ahmadis would endeavour to re-unite the divided country; Sir Zafarullah was disloyal to the state and should be removed; all Ahmadis be removed from key posts; Qadianis should be declared a non-Muslim minority. Some ulema took an extreme position. They demanded that Qadiani apostates should be stoned to death, a penalty meant for renegades. They made a reference to Maulana Shabir Ahmad Usmani's pamphlet Ash Shahab 4 , which he wrote in 1920s that apostates deserve the penalty of death.

The pioneers of the Khatm-e-Nabuwat movement were mainly the leaders of the Majlis-e-Ahrar-i-Islam. The Majlis was politically inclined towards the Congress in the pre-Partition days. However on 12 January 1949 in the Defense Conference at Lahore, they announced their decision to cease functioning as a political party and to continue their future activity as a religions group. In the political matters they announced to follow Muslim League. The Ahrar leader held several Tabligh Conferences in early 1950 to press for the popular agitation, which in certain cases took a sharp turn. Their preachers were attacked and the meetings disrupted. Despite that they continued to hold meetings in big cities of Pakistan.

In the Punjab, elections were held in 1951. The Muslim League won a good majority. Against its undertaking to the Ahrars, League nominated a few candidates who were Ahmadis, all of them lost.5 The Ahrars celebrated the Thanksgiving Day. Anjumane Ahmadiyya, Karachi, announced the holding of a public meeting on 17 to 18 May 1952. Sir Zafarullah was the main speaker. A few days before the meeting, Khawaja Nazimuddin, the Prime Minister of Pakistan expressed his disapproval of Ch. Zafarullah Khan's intention to attend a sectional public meeting. 'Ch.Zafarullah Khan told Khawaja Nazimuddin that he was committed to the Anjuman but that if he had been advised earlier he would have refrained from attending the meeting. In view of his commitment, he said he felt it his duty to speak at the meeting and if the Prime Minister insisted on his not attending it, he could have his resigation,' 6

Zafarullah, in his speech called 'Ahmadiyyat a plant implanted by God Himself and that plant had taken root to provide a guarantee for the preservation of Islam in fulfillment of the promise contained in the Quran, that if this plant was removed, Islam would no longer be a live religion but would be like a dried up tree having no demonstrable superiority over other religions.' 7

Strong resentment was expressed over holding of the meeting and the demonstrations started in Karachi and the Punjab.

The national press gave a mixed reaction over the Karachi incident.8 Nevertheless the aggressive nature of Tabligh was greatly resented and led to the intensification of the popular anti-Qadiani movement. After Zafarullah's speech, an All Parties Muslim Conference was held at Karachi and four demands were formuated: Ahmadis be declared a non-Muslim minority; Sir Zafarullah be removed from the office of Foreign minister; Ahmadis be removed from key posts and to achieve aforesaid objects an Al Pakistan Muslim Parties Convention be called.


The Conference was presided over by Maulana Syed Suleiman Nadvi under whose Chairmanship a Board was also constituted which was to make arrangements for the next meeting of the Convention. A Council consisting of eminent leaders was constituted. It included senior members of the Board of Ulema, which had been appointed to advise the Pakistan Constituent Assembly. The Majlis-i-Amal of the ulema was constituted in July 1952 in order to devise measures to secure acceptance of the demands. The ulema also called on Khawaja Nazimuddin, the Prime Minister of Pakistan, to explain him the seriousness of the Qadiani issue on 3 March 1950. Qazi Ishan Ahmad Shuja'abadi, an Ahrar leader, presented him Qadiani literature for perusal. Nazimuddin was horrified to read it. 9

The Government was dealing with the issue in haphazard way, trying hard to appease ulema by offering a few concessions. Binder analyses Kh. Nazimuddin's attitude towards ulema's demands in the following words:

"Nazimuddin, though he readily agreed that the Ahmadis were heretics, and though he might agree that they were not Muslims, demurred at the thought of constitutional excommunication. Although he was convinced that the government ought not to take action on the Ahmadi issue, Nazimuddin was loath to permit the disaffection of the ulema. So that Prime Minister invited prominent ulema to his home, and discussed the issue at length with them. He hoped the ulema might accept concessions on other issues instead. He tried to divide the ulema of Karachi and he also tried to exploit the differences between the two ulema organizations, and between the Board of Talimat and the extremist ulema. Throughout the duration of the controversy, Dawn 10, which staunchly supported Nazimuddin, heaped editorial abuse on the ulema slanted its news against them, and devoted much space to modernist features." In July 1952 a five man delegation comprising Allah Ditta, Editor, AlFurqan, Rabwah, Abdul Rahim Dard, Jalaud Din Shams, Sheikh Bashir Ahmed Advocate and Abdul Rahman Khadam called on Syed Maudoodi at Lahore. He advised the Qadiani delegation to accept their non-Muslim status as a natural out come of their beliefs. The Qadiani elders had no other intention except to exploit the visit for their nefarious ends. Maulana knew well their malicious intentions. He granted interview only on the condition that its proceedings would not be published.11

Qadiani delegation then called on Prime Minister Kh. Nazimuddin. Also present there were Abdul Rab Nishter, Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani, and Fazal-ur- Rahman Bengali. Qadiani point of view on Khatam-e-Nabuwat issue and the implications of their demands were explained to him. They could not convince the Prime Minister.

Since Qadiani had access to the higher bureaucratic circles, they launched a vigorous anti-Ahrar campaign and made all efforts to prove that the Ahrars had a questionable political past. They were anti-Pakistani and pro-Congress elements. The Anti Ahmadiyya movement was said to be a political stunt meant to create unrest and undo the partition of the sub-continent. On the contrary Qadianis posed themselves as a pro-Pakistan group and claimed to have taken aprt in the independence movement and had won the war waged against the Congress and the British. 12

As for the burning issue of enforcement of Islamic laws in Pakistan, Qadiani believed that under the circumstances prevailing at that time in Pakistan, the enforcement of Islamic constitution was very difficult as there was no suitable environment for it. The ulema had not prepared ground for it. 13

Mirza Eats his words

To sabotage the Khatam-i-Nabuwat movment, Mirza Mahmud in an interview with the London Daily Mail declared: 'I am convinced that the secret hand of India is at the back of the present anti Ahmadiyya agitation. He said to have positive froof in his possession and would be prepared to put it before the proper authorities at the proper time.14 When it was strongly demanded that he should make the positive proof public, he instead of giving any proof, which he certainly could not, issued a clarification to the Civil and Milirary Gazette, Lahore: In your issue of (22nd July 1952) a report of an interview with me has been published. The interviewer Main Muhammad Shafi (Meem Sheen) is a very experienced and honest person. He has somehow taken the impression that we are already in possession of definite proof of the Ahrar getting help from India. What I mean to say was that I have been informed by certain persons that they possessed some proof about the Ahrar getting help from the other side of the border but that I have no power to finally verify it. I also said that we too had some important clues as to some of the Ahrar workers receiving help from certain Indian parties and that we were following these clues. I added that when we reach some definite conclusions we would put them before the proper authorities at the proper time. It seems that unfortunately I could not express myself clearly on the point and the two things got intermixed with each onther.15

Qadian got Exposed

The anti Ahmadiyya movement rapidly gained momentum. Demonstrations and meetings were held and processions were taken out all over the country in support of popular demands. The Government took coercive measures to crush the agitation but failed. In Punjab, Daultana Ministry was badly shaken when the Majlis-e-Amal organized direct action and a notice was delivered to the Prime Minister with a deadline to accept the demands. Jama'at-i-Islami was taking all possible steps in favour of these demands,16 although it was mostly concerned with constitutional issues of that time and had been demanding an enforcement of Islamic constitution since early 1952. With the framing and implementation of the Islamic constitution, the Qadiani issue was likely to be solved automatically. Maulana Maudoodi did not want the Qadiani agitation to over shadow his efforts for an Islamic constitution.17

To explain the rationale and need of Muslim demands, Maulana Maudoodi wrote a pamphlet: The Qadiani Problem. He exposed religio-political aims of Ahmadiyya movement in a lucid way. It was widely upheld for its well-reasoned and cogent arguments. Lahore chapter of Qadiani Jama'at made an absurd attempt to answer the vital issues discussed in it 18 which back fired.

Maulana Maudoodi explained that the Qadiani problem had arisen not because the Muslim, in some fit of orthodoxy or fanaticism, wanted to excommunicate any group of people. Its origin on the other hand was traced to the claims of Mirza Ghulam Ahamd of messiahship and Prophethood, and as a consequence branding those who did not believe in him to be Kafir and outside the pale of his Islam. On the basis of writings of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad and his followers he proved that Ahmadism is a separate religion and Ahmadis are Imperialist stooges and spies commissioned to defuse Muslim resistance to infidel over rule. Throughout its existence its main object has been to promote Imperialist interests. Now they have been working to promote Imperialist power in Pakistan. Dr. Iqbal rightly asked the British to declare Qadiani as separate community in 1935. They, while pursuing a policy of separation in religious and social matters, were, however, anxious to remain politically within the fold of Islam 'because of the political advantages in the spheres of Government services which accrue to them by remaining within the fold.'

Maulana added:

'The demand for Sir Zafrullah Khan's removal from office not only originates from the doctrine that no non-Muslim should hold the office of a Minister in a Islamic state, but is also based on the fact that Sir Zafrullah Khan had always misused his official position to promote and strengthen the Qadiani movement. Before the partition of India and after the establishment of Pakistan he has been even more actively engaged in taking undue advantage of his position as State Minister to promote the interests of Qadianism. His official position is, therefore, a permanent cause of complaint for the Muslims. We are told that but for the position of Zafarullah Khan in the State Cabinet, America would not have given Pakistan a grain of wheat.19 I say if it is really so, the matter becomes even more serious. This clearly implies that an American agent presides over Foreign Affairs Department and our Foreign policy has been pawned for ten lakh tons of grain. Under this circumstance, we must rather press for the removal of Zafarullah Khan from office than make the Qadiani Movement the basis of our demand, in order to break the shackles of political slavery to America.' 20

Martial Law

By early March the mass movement spread rapidly rendering the Civil Government almost unworkable in Lahore.21 All leading ulema were arrested and put behind the bars. It was at this crucial time that Punjab Chief Minister, Mumtaz Daultana, issued a statement virtually capitulating to the main demands that the Qadiani Community should be declared a non-Muslim minority and Qadiani leader like Zafarullah should be dismissed. It proved a bombshell for Qadianis, although Justice Munir calls it 'a piece of mere Machiavellianism.' The same day, 6 March 1953, Martial Law was declared in the Punjab and the army was called in to crush the movement. It remained in force until May 1953.

Sir Zafarullah claims that he told Nazimuddin that he was willing to tender resignation if it helped him in any way but he did not agree. He then went to the USA to attend the UN Session where he received a telegram from Nazimuddin that he should not come to Pakistan before the Direct Action Day. I.I. Chundrigar, the Governor of the Punjab and Daultana, the Chief Minister, anticipated a fast deterioration of situation to the extent of lawlessness. The Governor phoned the Chief Minister that the situation in Lahore had deteriorated to such an extent that many public institutions had gone under the control of the people. The Cabinet asked Sikandar Mirza, the Secretary Defense, to make an immediate contact with General Azam Khan to inquire from him if he could restore law and order in the city. He informed that he could do it in an hour's time, if directed. So he did.22

What the notorious Sikandar Mirza did in imposition of Martial Law is quite strange. He gave orders to GOC General Azam to impose Martial Law without due authorization of the Prime Minister and the Central Cabinet which was in session at that time, 6 March 1953. When the military action started it was difficult to stop it.

Qadianis played a heinous role during the Khatam-e-Nabuwat movemnt.23 They spent thousands of rupees to buy over some unscrupulous journalists, civil servants, lawyers and secular elements to launch a counter offensive against the popular movement.24 The imperialist powers fully backed them through their influential hoodlums operating in the bureaucracy of Pakistan. The Zionist lobby and the Jewish-controlled foreign press strongly favoured the Ahmadiya point of view and expressed much sympathies with them. Zafarullah exerted strong pressure on Pakistan hierarchy through his foreign masters for ruthless suppression of the anti-Qadianis mass movement.

After the declaration of Martial Law, Military Courts were set up and the city was placed under military administration. Many leaders were arrested including Maulana Maudoodi, Amir Jama'at Islami. Syed Maudoodi and Maulana Abdul Sattar Naizi were tried before Military Courts and sentenced to death. Here again the Martial Law authorities over stepped their charter, which was the restoration of law and order only. The whole nation condemned it. The action was also resented by the Prime Minister. It also brought a sharp reaction from the Arab World. The Governor General of Pakistan was forced to commute sentences to imprisonment for life. Syed and Niazi did not apply for mercy and remained contended with their fate.

Mirza Nasir Ahmad, Principal T.I. College Rabwah, Mirza Sharif Ahamd and 8 others were arrested on 1st April 1953 on the charge of violation and infringement of Martial law Order and Regulations but were released on 28th May 1953. Law enforcing agencies raided Rabwah to recover arms and ammunition.25 Mirza Mahmud was not naive to store arms and ammunitions in Rabwah. He was playing a different game.

Brigadier (Retd.) A.R.Siddiqi has aptly analysed events of 1953 Martial Law and raised some pertinent questions on it. This has now been clear that Sikandar Mirza himself gave the order to GOC, General Azam, to impose Martial law without due authorization of the Prime Minister. Further, the sole aim of the Martial Law was to restore law and order in the Punjab. This was achieved within a fortnight after its imposition on 6 March 1953. Despite it persisted until 17 May obviously to achieve some other political motives, which included the dismissal of the Prime Minister and to tackle the situation arising out of it.

The Martial Law Administration clearly overstepped its authority. The press was muzzled. Strict pre-censorship was imposed and several papers were banned and their editors jailed. It was not still clear why Martial Law extended it dragnet to include every thing from character building, social and educational reforms to everyday hygiene and sanitation? During military action a number of junior officers were found involved in the cases of misbehaviour and misuse of their authority. Those were either ignored or allowed to get away with light reprimand warnings.

The award of death sentence by the military courts to Syed Maudoodi and Maulana Sattar Niazi was over and above the charter of Martial Law. It was a condemnable act committed without the lawful authority with utter horror of the nation and disgust of the Prime minister. The Military for the first time had the sweet taste of civil administration. It also came to know its importance in case of a national crisis and felt eager to play their due role in the national politics and affairs.26

The Martial Law Administration had a source of inspiration in the person of the then Chief of General Staff, Major General Ahya-uddin, a diehard Qadiani. He was in favour of the use of naked force to crush the movement. He wanted to clear the agitators from Wazir Khan Mosque, Lahore, where they had shut them up, with a suitable military action. The plan was, subsequently dropped due to its wider political repercussions. Major General Ahya-uddin had a very narrow outlook in national affairs. His main concern was to save Ahmadiyya community at all costs. 27

Court of Inquiry

A Court of Enquiry was set up to investigate reasons of the Punjab disturbances. Chief Justice Muhammad Munir, in collaboration with another Judge Mr. Justice Rustam Kayani, composed his infamous report. Mirza Mahmud appeared before the Court of Enquiry from 13-15 January 1954 and recorded his testimony.28 Earlier a written statement was submitted to the Court on 2 July 1953 on behalf of Sadre Anjuman Ahmadiyya 29 explaining the Qadiani point of view on religious and political issues. The court also framed seven questions on the main differences between Qadianis and Muslims. Counsels of the Sadre Anjuman Ahmadiyya Rabwah submitted their replies to the Court on 29 August 1953. 30

In his testimony to the Court, Mirza Mahmud made a shameless and clever attempt to hide the real position and the nature of Ahmadiyya beliefs behind the deception of crooked and false explanations to deceive the Court. Since assumption of Qadiani 'Gaddi' in 1914, he had unequivocally insisted that Mirza Ghulam Ahmad was a real prophet like that of Moses, Ibraham etc, non Ahmadis were Kafir and out of the pale of Islam, an Ahmadi could neither join daily prayers with Muslims not offer their funeral prayer, Ahmad is the name of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad given in the Quran, etc,31 but before the Court , he adopted a different posture, a conciliatory attitude to deceive the judges. People deplored his attitude. He stooped too low and took the position which had been held by Lahore Section of Ahmadiyya Community.32 No one from Qadiani Jama'at dared to ask this unscrupulous 'Maud' about his volte face. In short, 'Mirza Mahmud retracted from many of his boastful and wrong stands, much to the chagrin of his followers and delight of his opponents', comments a Lahori Ahmadi.33

Maulana Maudoodi, in his second statement to the Court of Enquiry criticized Mirza Mahmud's statement. He observed:

"I have gone through this statement carefully. It is my considered opinion that this statement does not alter the existing position even to the slightest degree. Despite this statement, the causes which lie at the root of dispute and difference and which have so far embittered the relations between the two communities are unaffected. In this statement, the Qadianis have made a clever attempt to hide their real position behind the deception of crooked explanations, with a two-fold purpose. Firstly, they have tried to deceive the Court, in that it should think well of them and return suitable findings in their favour. Secondly, this statement enables them to continue with their former course openly and without restraint. Any one who has some knowledge of their former writings and of the practices they have followed so far cannot fail to realize that in this statement the Qadianis have shifted their stand closer to the position held by the Lahore Ahmadis. The Qadianis do not affect this 'change' by explicitly stating that they altering their beliefs and practices in order to resolve the conflict with the Muslims. They rather give the impression that their position has, from the beginning, been invariably the same. This nevertheless, is a grave misstatement. It clearly implies that instead of changing their former standpoint they are, in fact, reaffirming it and intend to adhere to it in the future. However, during the course of this enquiry, they have adopted temporarily a deceptive position and their standpoint is to change once the process of enquiry is over."34 How far Qadianis were responsible for disturbances? Munir Report states: "Their (Qadianis) differences with the general body of Muslim had existed for more than half a century and before the Partition they were carrying out their propaganda and proselytising activities without any let or hindrance. The entire complexion of the situation, however changed with the establishment of Pakistan and Ahmadis were befooling them if, in the absence of any enunciation of the policy as to limits within which public preaching of religions other than Islam or sectarian doctrines within Islam was to be permitted, they ever thought that their activities would not be resented and would go unnoticed in the new state. The changed circumstances, however brought no corresponding change in their activities and aggressive propagation and offensive references to non Ahmadi Muslims continued....We are therefore, satisfied that though the Ahmadis are not directly responsible for the disturbances, their conduct did furnish an occasion for the general agitation against them. If the feeling had not been so strong against them, we do not think that the Ahrar would have been successful in rallying round themselves all sorts of heterogeneous religious organization.35 On the basis of some dubious premises the Report concluded that: "If Pakistan was allowed to become an Islamic state, all non-Muslims would automatically be the targets of persecution. The different Muslim sects would wrangle endlessly with each other in fratricidal strife, antiquated laws would be enforced conflicting with the standards of civilized world and Pakistan, because backward culture and reactionary government, would be ousted as an outcast from the international community. Not even western orientalists and Christian missionaries attack Islam as harshly as the Munir Report has done. The tragedy that its author was a Muslim multiplied its harmful effects many times more."36 The Report was severely criticised in Pakistan and was called highly prejudiced, inaccurate and a biased in nature. The secularists and Zionists used it in their vituperative propaganda against the Islamic State. Non Muslim writers quote it extensively to criticize raison detre of Pakistan and to justify the plight of Muslims in India.37 Prof. P.K. Hitti, a Jew historian, wrote a personal letter to Justice Munir and later when he met him "said that he was expecting some such thing from Pakistan." The late Shah of Iran in a conversation with Munir showed interest in the purport of the Report as Iran had faced similar problems in the past in the day of Bab, Bahaullah and the beautiful poetess Qurra-tul-Ain. One journalist says Justice Munir remarked that he read only two books from begining to the end without laying them aside. One of these was Lady Chatterly's Lover and the other The Munir Report. "What a comparison!"38

Jama'at-i-Islami gave a befitting reply to Munir's diatribe.39 Justice Dr. Javed Iqbal in his book Ideology of Pakistan (1917) has given very convincing arguments to repudiate Munir's assertions and his theory on genesis of Pakistan.40


What transpired from the events of 1952 which badly shook the country? The Socialist version of Anti Ahmadiyya Movement is that it reflected the irritation of some of Pakistani big bourgeoisie which gravitated towards the United States, over the maintenance of the old ties with Britain. The United States too applied its efforts to eliminate pro-British elements from the Government, and to replace them with more amenable politician. Speaking at the Constituent Assembly, Khawaja Nazimuddin declared that the Anti Ahmadiyya agitation is a political movement actuated by power politics.41

Jamna Das Akhtar, a veteran Indian journalist says 'Ahmadis were openly accused of promoting the interests of British Imperialism and of spreading heretical ideas, opposed to the fundamental principles of Islam. It is suspected that the American interests also played a prominent role in this game because at the time the USA was trying to eliminate pro-British elements from the Government and replace them with more amenable politicians.42

For Qadianis the Tehrik strengthened their position and proved that the Jama'at was 'invincible'. It helped to fulfil a "prophecy revealed to the Promised Messiah." J.D. Shams, a former missionary in Israel says:

'A careful study of the prophecy points to a similarity, which can be drawn between Jama'at Ahmadiyya and Beni Israel. Pharoah, Haman and their armies were bent on destroying them but God saved Beni Israel from annihilation. Similarly when the opponent of Jama'at Ahmadiyya tried to annihilate Jama'at Ahmadiyya in accordance with a well-planned scheme and fixed the date of 6 March for that purpose, God suddenly sent His armies to save them. Martial Law was imposed. A sudden and unexpected order was conveyed on phone from Karachi to the commandos in Lahore and the Army courageously and valiantly but with care suppressed the forces of anarchy. Jama'at Ahmadiyya was saved from annihilation and oppression like those of Bani Israel, was promised by God to his Promised Messiah.' 43 H.S. Suharwardy, leader of the Jinnah Awami League is speech made in a public meeting at Karachi on 26 June 1953 remarked: "There arose a religious movement in the Punjab but it was put down with a force by the powers that be and the ulema were sent behind the bars. Today it is pointed out by the same powers that the Musalmans have gone astray and we are told to greet as Muslims those who do not believe in the finality of the Prophethood of our Holy Prophet (p.b.u.h) and if we do not believe as such, we shall be doomed like others." 44 Mirza Mahmud in a Friday sermon, commented on it. He called the speech a signal for fresh alarm but 'God will protect not only Ahmadiyya Community but also the Pakistan Government which is made the target of attacks simply for extending protection and doing Justice to her Ahmadiyya subjects. The only fault of the Pakistan Government is this that she wants to establish peace in the country and crush all the subversive elements in the land that want to seize Government by exciting the people against Ahmadiyya movement ...God will save His people form the machinations and evil intentions of all mischief mongers and never allow them to prosper and triumph.' 45

Qadianis considered themselves invisible and felt satisfied with the outcome of the movement. American CIA and Imperialist agencies provided them further support for their growth in the Middle East and the newly liberated African countries. The people of Pakistan strongly felt that they been betrayed. It caused a sharp demoralizing effect on the masses who sacrificed their lives for a noble cause.

The Muslim League received a crushing blow and had to face a humiliating defeat in the next elections. It also caused the downfall of Daultana Ministry in the Punjab and replacement of Khawaja Nazimuddin as Prime Minister who felt himself helpless in front of the powerful trio, Ghulam Muhammad, Governor General, Ayub Khan, C-in-C and Sikandar Mirza, Defense Secretary. Also the image of the army shattered in the minds of public. Maj. Gen. Azam Khan GOC 10th Infantry Division, used all coercive measures including indiscriminate firing on the peaceful mob. Bonapartism took deep roots and that worked behind the scene.

The bureaucracy and police collaborated with Rabwah and encouraged the Khudam-i-Ahmadiyya and other paramilitary Qadiani bodies to take up their role where law and order situation demanded. It gave a big boost to Qadiani paramilitary bodies.

Qadianis occupied more important positions in business, bureaucracy and military after 1953. However the anti Qadiani movement foreclosed the serious possibility of Zafarullah succeeding Nazimuddin as Prime Minister.

In subsequent years Qadianis changed their political strategy. They avoided an open conflict with Muslims and strengthened their relations with military and bureaucracy.

Bogra Government

The Dismissal of Prime Minister Nazimuddin by Governor General Ghulam Muhammad in April 1953 was an undemocratic decision and a sad example of misuse of powers. Nazimuddin still commanded a majority in the Assembly. 46

Sir Zafarullah writes:

'The Governor General, feeling that the Prime Minister had through his vacillation and failure to deal firmly with the situation contributed to the crisis into which the country had been drawn, demanded from the Prime Minister resignation of the Ministry which the Prime Minister refused to submit and on his refusal the Governor General dismissed the Ministry. He called upon Mr. Muhammad Ali Bogra (East Pakistan) who was then Pakistan's Ambassador at Washington and happened at that moment to be in Karachi to form a Government. Mr. Muhammad Ali proceeded with the task immediately and presented a list of his proposed colleagues to the Governor General. The members of the new Government were sworn in by 8 p.m., the preceding Ministry having been dismissed at 4 p.m.'47 Zafarullah remained the Foreign Minister of Pakistan. The whole political crisis was explained by a Qadiani elder in a customary way on the basis of one of Mirza Mahmud's revelations (17-8March 1951). The alleged revelation says: 'I will show the parallel signs from Sind to Punjab on both sides' (Urdu). The Qadiani compiler interprets it in the context of Pakistan political crisis and concludes that the dismissal of the West Punjab ministry after the 1953 agitation and the abrogation of the Constituent Assembly by the Governor General Ghulam Muhammad had marvelously and surprisingly proved this revelation true. 48

Nazimuddin's unceremonious dismissal was in fact the beginning of the political instability that lasted for the next five years and the emergences and the decline of the parliamentary democracy in Pakistan. It was contrary to the parliamentary practice and the political, legal and psychological repercussions of the action were far reaching. Bogra was almost unknown as a politician. His appointment came as a surprise to political observers and public alike, and it was widely suspected that his transfer from Washington to Karachi, elevation to the office was a prelude to closer relations between the US and Pakistan. 49

Only three days after the new premier's nomination, the US President Eisenhower asked Congress for authority to ship hundreds and thousands of tons of wheat to Pakistan.50 The US was at that time conducting a vigorous anti-Communist policy and looking for friends in Asia. Pakistan entered into defense pacts with it.

After the visit of Mr. Dulles and Mr. Stassan to Karachi in May 1953, the next distinguished guest in Pakistan capital was the Deputy Chief of the US Mission in Turkey. Then came the unannounced visit of the seven members of the House Armed Services Committee. Then in September General Ayub Khan, C-in C, flew to Washington where his visit was for medical treatment, but also had talks with President Eisenhower. Pakistan indicated that if the US armed her, she would grant Washington the use of bases and possibly would permit the construction of new ones. Also she was willing to join in the Middle East defense effort under that conditions.

New Strategy

Qadianis played an active role in Pakistan politics after the Khatm-e-Nabuwat movement. They collaborated with the civil and military oligarchy in the Centre to safeguard their economic and political interests and directed their efforts to sabotage constitutional process in the country.

The country faced crisis and the political balance was going against the Muslim League. It suffered a crushing defeat in East Pakistan in 1954 elections against the United Front led by A.K. Fazale Haq and H.S. Sharwardy. The United front after forming a ministry under Fazale Haq "Sought freedom from the domination of Karachi " 51 In May 1954 the Government of East Bengal was handed over to the centrally appointed Governor, Maj-Gen Iskander Mirza , who at that time was the Secretary Defense at the Centre. Thus the same pattern of central intervention had taken place in East Bengal as in the Punjab, the difference being that it was the Muslim League politicians who could not control the situation arising out of religious disturbances in Punjab who had been removed. In East politicians of the United Front, who had won an over whelming majority in the provincial election and who had been also to mobilize massive ethnic support in the province were dismissed. In both cases there was military intervention except that martial law was imposed in Punjab, whereas a defense official was put in charge of the civil administration in East Bengal. 52

The Constituent Assembly adopted the amended basic Principle Committee Report by 20 to 11 votes. The Prime Minister of Pakistan declared that discussions on the Draft Constitution would be finished by 25 December 1954 and the new constitution would be adopted on the Quaid's birthday. He also declared that Pakistan would become a Republic on 1st January 1955. After that assembly was adjourned to 27th October1954.

In the last week of October, Premier Bogra and General Ayub returned form Washington after negotiating a long-term military and economic aid pact with America. On 24 October 1954 Governor General Ghulam Muhammad dismissed both the Constituent Assembly and the Cabinet, a drastic and undemocratic action. A new Cabinet was formed with M.A. Bogra continuing as the Prime Minister. Nine other members including C-in-C General Ayub Khan, Dr. Khan, H. S. Suharwardy and Maj. Gen. Sikander Mirza were appointed in the Cabinet. None of these nine had a seat in the dissolved Assembly. The army was brought closer to administration and the civil service, which was already a force in Pakistan politics, gained greater power.53

The Qadianis were jubilant over the Governor General's undemocratic and arbitrary act of dissolving the Constituent Assembly. They called it a very wise, judicious and timely step. Had he not taken this step the situation would have deteriorated further. The brightest aspect of his move, says AlFazl: "is holding of new elections as a result of which new Assembly will come into existence. The paper warned the extremist leaders not to play with the destiny of the nation as Akhwans were doing in Egypt." 54

Mirza Mahmud in an address expressed his profound satisfaction over the Governor General's move and disclosed that three days before the Governor General's action, he had hinted at the possibility of breaking the power of ruling class, who were creating mischief, with a view to saving the country from that crisis. He claims that his prophecy had marvelously been fulfilled.' 55

Mirza Mahmud gave justification of the undemocratic action of the Governor general and emphasized that the Constituent Assembly had already lost its value. He also welcomed the inclusion of non-League members like Dr. Khan Sahib in the Cabinet whom he called a man loyal to the country and Islam. He criticized those members of the League who had adopted an Anti-Ahmadiyya attitude.56

Against Islamic Movements

In early 50s, Qadianis intensified their activities in the Islamic countries. They started a strong propaganda campaign to discredit Islamic movement going on in Pakistan and the Arab World. The Imperialist and Zionist agencies had already been active in countries like Iran, Iraq and Egypt to suppress the progressive Islamic movements. The US adopted a strategy to create client garrisons in newly independent countries of Asia as a neo-imperial power, Egypt (under Nasser) and Syria were not willing to cooperate in a new western defense strategy. Iran under Dr. Mossadeq was bent on ousting the British Imperialism. The US selected the Hashemite kingdom of Iraq, a creation of British Imperialism, as a key to open the door to a broader Middle Eastern defense strategy and succeeded to arrange the Baghdad Pact, the overthrow of Mossadeq regime in Iran and suppression of Communist elements in Middle East.

Qadiani mission in Israel towed the Zionist line and launched a religo-political offensive in the Middle East. Since the Arab countries did not allow Qadianis to set up missions in their lands, they either worked secretly or moved over to Africa where they had already created haven with the British support.

The main target of Qadiani attack was Akhwanul Muslimin movement of Egypt. Qadian called it a Communist Fascist movement having an appeal for those who do not know Islam but love it and want to see Arab World free from the western yoke. It has no appeal for far-sighted leaders and educated class of the country.57

In a leader AlFazl lashed at the Akhwan's role in the Suez affairs and alleged that they were conspiring against the solidarity of Egypt like Abdullah ibn-e-Saba who also gained success in Egypt. 58

The Qadiani papers also hurled abuses on the Akhwan and their policy towards the Suez issue where the British interests were involved. They were condemned as anti Islamic in character and had been out to create disruption, dissatisfaction and anarchy in Egypt. They believed in the seizure of power through fascist means and upheld waging armed struggle against the Government not allowed by Islam.59

On the assumption that Jama'at Islami of Pakistan is a prototype of the Akhwan, the paper attacked the political role played by the Jama'at in past seven years in Pakistan. It was alleged that the Jama'at, like the Akhwan, was political in nature and had been on rampage. "If it succeeds in collaboration with some other party it will operate in the same way as the Akhwans are doing against the Revolutionary Government in Egypt and its collaborators will in the end meet the same fate" 60 says the official organ of Rabwah.

Equally a strong tirade against other Islamic movements was launched which were fighting for political and economic emancipation in the Arab World; Darul Salam (Indonesia) and Fidayan-i-Islam (Iran) came under their attack. These parties were called fascist in character which believed in force and bloodshed. The Islamic World should check and curb their disruptive activities,61 AlFazl emphasized. The paper, however appreciated the work of Masjumi Party of Indonesia because its leader had written an article in support of Zafarullah Khan. 62

It is interesting to note here that the Masjumi Party outwardly Islamic in nature, comprised mainly of heterogeneous elements. Maulana Masud Alam Nadwi discloses that on the occasion of Motamar-i-Islami gathering (February 1951) he found that all members of the Indonesian delegation belonged to Masjumi Party. The leader of the delegation Shamsul Rijal was favourably inclined towards Qadianism. 63

Qadiani interfered in the politics of Pakistan in accordance with the instructions of their Imperialist masters and the Zionist lobby. They attacked the demand for Islamic constitution and criticized the religious hierarchy of Pakistan. 'We could make a constitution because our leaders were more concerned with the slogan raised by wrong people and the demands put forth by them than treading the right path with determination.' 64 A demand needs to be made that the constitution of Pakistan should be based on a just principle that no individual or group whether religious or political should have any complaint against it. It should guarantee the rights of all citizens of Pakistan. 65

On the 8th Anniversary of the birth of Pakistan (14 August 1955) AlFazl criticized the role of Muslim League in the country's politics: 'It has lost its popularity because some of its members played in the hands of enemies of Islam.' The paper attacked those elements who had been clamoring for a constitution but were themselves responsible for creating obstacles in making of such a constitution.66

Pressed by the Court's verdict, the Governor General issued an order providing for the formation of new Constituent Assembly. An important measure of the New Second Constituent Assembly was the establishment of the West Pakistan Act, passed in September 1955, which provided for the merger of the princely states, Karachi and four provinces of the Punjab, Sind, the NWFP and Baluchistan into one Unit called West Pakistan. AlFazl in its leader commented on the formation of one Unit in West Pakistan. It discussed the possibility of bringing two units (East and West Pakistan) under one centre and called it an easy and practical experiment. The paper leveled strong criticism against those leaders who stressed the need to integrate both wings of the country on the basis of Islamic ideology:

'We regretfully say that the way the struggle for establishment of an Islamic Government is being carried out in some Muslim countries after formation of political parties will neither lead to establishment of an Islamic state nor its protagonists can achieve their ends in Pakistan. These political parties want to thrust their religious ideas on others while Islam does not allow party politics. There is no weight in the argument that Islamic ideology will lay the basis of unity. It means that those who, at present, wielded power are neither Muslims nor have any regard for Islam, unless they uphold Islamic beliefs expounded by the protagonist of Islamic ideology.' 67 Ghulam Muhammad,68 an insane ailing pro-American bureaucrat responsible to commit undemocratic actions and laid basis of an authoritarian rule, resigned from Governor Generalship of Pakistan in 1955 due to ill health. On his resignation AlFazl wrote: 'Malik Ghulam Muhammad has resigned from Governor Generalship of Pakistan. During his tenure of office he served Pakistan with firmness and courage only to be found in him after the Quaid-i-Azam. He figures out singularly among leader in popularity and was respected by friends and foes alike after the Quaid. A few days ago, Pakistan faced crisis due to the mistakes of some leaders and it was inevitable that the country would plunge into anarchy, he through his wise act, saved the country from turmoil. Had he not used his strong hand, the existence of Pakistan would have been in danger. Although some miscreants opposed his act, but it was highly appreciated by the sober section of the society.   When an historian write the history of the early period of Pakistan, we firmly believe that he would include his name among those who really were the well-wishers of Pakistan and steered it out of crisis. He performed his duties with great courage and boldness in a fearless and selfless manner despite grave opposition. He certainly proved himself the real successor of a Quaid-i-Azam by exhibiting these out standing qualities.   He has rightly said on his resignation that history would determine what he had done. He felt no pricks of conscience over what he had been doing. He always had the welfare of the nation in his mind. His actions will prove his words. These are not empty words but depict reality. He has to tender his resignation due to ill health. Nevertheless all real well-wishers of the country and the nation certainly wished him serve more." 69

Parting Kick

Changes of regime in 1953 in Russia, America and Pakistan added new impulses to international political situation. Eisenhower's inauguration as President, with John Foster Dulles as Secretary of State, brought a new look to politics in Washington. Bogra's prime minister-ship further swiftly drifted Pakistan towards America. On 2 April 1954 Pak-Turkish Military Alliance was signed in Karachi. A month later, on 19 May, the US and Pakistan signed the Mutual Aid and Security Agreement in Karachi. Another Imperialist move to thwart any possible Soviet advance in the East or South East was made by concluding an agreement at Manila on 8 September 1954. The agreement was known as SEATO. The signatories of this Treaty were the US, Britain, France, Australia, Newzealand, Thailand, Pakistan and the Philippines.

The SEATO provided guarantee against Communist threat only. Pakistan wanted to extend its scope to non-Communist countries also. Zafarullah says he discussed the issue with American Secretary of State Dulles, but of no results. They had special regards for each other. Both had a legal background and at the Japanese Peace Conference, Dulles warmly greeted Zafarullah on making the speech of the conference and in UN General Assembly Zafarullah returned the compliments by declaring that he had long admired the lofty views and noble concepts of Mr. Dulles. 70 The US Secretary of State regretted to take any action without the approval of the Senate. Zafarullah says since there was no time to get further instructions from Government of Pakistan, he signed the document with the following remarks: Signed for the purpose of transmission to the Government of Pakistan for it to take its decision in accordance with its constitutional procedures.71 These words do not appear in the published version of the treaty. On 19 January 1955 Pakistan ratified the pact and remained its zealous member in subsequent years. 72

Mauzam Ali, an eminent journalist says that he informed Bogra of the whole affairs of Manila Conference. He at once called a Cabinet meeting and sent a cable to Sir Zafarullah instructing him not to accept that clause of the Treaty.73 But Zafarullah, after signing the Treaty left for New York to attend the UN General Assembly Session.

Zafarullah also paved the way for CENTO. He visited Iran after the overthrow of Dr. Mossadeq Government by the CIA and held an exclusive meeting with the late Shah of Iran. 74 In September 1955 Pakistan entered into the Baghdad Pact. It was agreed to permit the armies of member countries to use Pakistan territory it circumstances demanded so. The US got the base at Peshawar, a valuable piece of real estate for its use and a US goal since 1954. 75 After a military coup in Iraq the Pact was renamed CENTO with Pakistan, Iraq, Turkey and Britain as its members. "The principle aim of the pact was to the Pakistan Army a mercenary force ready to defend United States interests in the Middle East." 76 It alienated Pakistan from the arab world and its foreign policy came under fire from Islamic quarters. It was called a pro West and an American ally representing Imperialist interests in the Asian region.

Judge ICJ

An year before Partition (1946) Sir Zafarullah was a candidate for judgeship at the Hague as nominee of British India. Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru proposed his name for it. The American Government withdrew its support at the last moment in favour of Polish candidate and he could not be elected. Unlike those days, America eagerly desired to see him as judge ICJ in 1954.

Sir Zafarullah became a judge of the ICJ mainly through American support as he himself reveals that Sir B.N.Rau, who had been elected judge of the International Court and had taken his seat on the Bench in February, 1952 had died in November 1953, before completing his terms of office. The Secretary General of the UN called for nominations to fill the Vacancy. He was not relieved by Pakistan Prime Minister to contest the seat. At the end of May 1954, Zafarullah went to Washington to clear up some difficulty that had arisen with he World Bank over the settlement of the Water dispute with India. There he met Col. Hank Byroad, US Assistant Secretary who advised him to see him in the State Department. Hanks told Zafarullah that he knew that he had been resigning from his post of Pakistan 's Foreign Minister-ship and wanted to joint the World Court. The deadline to send nomination had since expired But the US Government had already sent his name itself to the UN Secretariat for the judgeship Zafarullah left satisfied. He then requested the Assistant Secretary of State to help him overcome another difficulty in getting him elected. That since the death of Sir Rau in November 1953 India had been busy canvassing for its candidate and it required a good deal of lobbying and substantial support of the countries to secure a seat at the ICJ.

The American Government and all its allies, especially Israel was in favour of Zafarullah 's candidature. His rival candidate Justice Pal, Judge of the Calcutta High Court had been a member of the Japanese Was Criminal Tribunal and had dissented from a majority of his colleagues. Zafarullah says that in "his dissenting opinion he had stated that the War Crimes trial was itself a War Crime. This had naturally given grave offence to the US, had in effect called them murderers.77 " Thus Justice Pal stood little chance of success against a pro American stooge.

Pakistan Missions abroad did a lot of work diplomatic level to seek support for Zafarullah. At the commencement of the Annual Session of the General Assembly in 1954 the situation in the Security Council was that of the five member states who had promised their support to the India candidate Turkey, the SEATO ally made a shift.

The result of the ballot was six in favour of Pakistan and five in favour of India in the Security Council and in the Assembly 29 votes were in favour of Pakistan and 32 in favour of India. The Assembly ballot was inconclusive, as 33 votes were needed for an absolute majority, and had to be repeated. In the meantime. it had became known that the Pakistan candidate had obtained an absolute majority in the Security Council. In the repeat ballot in the Assembly, Zafarullah obtained 33 votes and was elected. 78

It was all due to the support provided by the US and Western lobby. G.W. Chaudhary states that the judgeship to Zafarullah at the Hague was bestowed on him as a reward by the US Secretary of State, Foster Dulles for his service in obtaining Pakistan's adhesion to SEATO. 79

Tug of War

In March 1954 a young incarnate of Illimud Din attacked Mirza Mahmud with a knife to slash his head. The senile and ailing Mirza already suffered from various diseases including paralysis. There was a rumour that he would not be able to sustain the injury and would soon be relieved once for all of agonising pain he had been undergoing after the attack. A tug-of war started in Rabwah, which slowly gained strength. Many influential Qadiani elders aspired for the lucrative job of Khalifat. The movement to get leadership seethed under the nose of Mirza Mahmud accentuated by the members of his family.

By the end of April 1955 he announced to proceed to Europe for treatment. Many Qadianis called it badly timed and a politically motivated mission of the Khalifa undertaken at a critical moment when the community had been suffering from internal crisis and disunity.

A group of Qadiani 'hypocrites', as they were called by Mirza Mahmud's followers, launched an open offensive against the Qadiani 'Khalafat' to assert their position. The Qadiani press referred to their clandestine activities in more than one occasion in a traditionally elliptical manner. On the other hand, the dissidents exposed the misdeeds of Ahmadi 'Rasputin' and prophecised the fall of Rabwah, the Qadiani seat of power. Agents of Khalifat' came out to condemn their activities and warned Qadianis of their 'nefarious designs' specially their move to topple 'Caliphate'.80 The dissidents later formed Haqiqat Pasand Party and based it at Lahore.

The movement soon gained currency and spread in East Pakistan too. Mirza Mahmud wrote a letter to members of Ahmadiyya Jama'at East Pakistan, where dissatisfaction had particulrly been growing over the authority of 'Khalifa'. He advised senior members of his community viz. Daulat Ahmad (Brahmin Barya), Shah Jehan (Decca) and Deputy Khalil-ur-Rehman in particular, not to create disruption and instructed his Jama'at, in general, to disassociate themselves from them. 81

In the first week of May 1955 he left for Syria where he stayed for one week.82 He contacted Chaudhry Muhammad Sharif, the Qadiani missionary in Israel and sent some important messages to Israeli President Ben Zevi and Foreign Minister Moshe Sherot through mysterious channels. On 7 May he moved to Lebanon and after a short stay there he proceeded to Europe. Zafarullah, an international envoy of Imperialism, accompanied him in his journey. Before joining him, Zafarullah met Shah Hussain of Jordan and discussed the issues relating to 'Arab interests.' 83

Sir Zafarullah's love affair

A Lebanese girl Bushra Rabbani lived in Damuscus. Her elders were converted to Qadiani faith due to the efforts of Hasni family of Syria. Bushra had a young cousin Muhammad Qazaq who loved her. Their nikah was solemnized in 1952 and Qazaq went to a Gulf state to earn money. Love letters of Bushra were a source of inspiration to him. Suddenly she stopped writing letters to him. Qazaq continued to cherish love and found it impossible to forget her. After a long time, Bushra wrote a letter inviting him to visit Damasus to 'pay respect' to Hazrat Mirza Bashiruddin, second successor of the Promised messiah and Sir Zafarullah Khan who would also be visiting Syria with him in1955.

Qazaq, in his interview to the correspondent of Alyum Cairo narrated the story of his engagement and nikah with Bushra and then exclaimed with sorrow that he had been betrayed. Her brother Mahmud forced him to divorce her as they had already made arrangements of her marriage with Sir Zafarullah. Her parents were paid a sum of 45 thousand pounds and a beautiful house was bought for them in Bustan-ul-Khizer, a posh locality in Damascus. 84

Zafarullah fell in love with her when she came to Qadian Mission, Damascus, to pay respect to Mirza Mahmud who was proceeding to Europe for medical treatment. He also offered her brother an appointment in Pakistan Embassy in Syria. Zafarullah put a ring in her finger and a diamond necklace glittered around her neck when she visited the holy 'hoax' for her engagement. The marriage was solemnized in the Embassy of Pakistan at Damascus.

It may be stated here that the first marriage of Zafarullah took place with his cousin Iqbal Begum. After her death, her sister Rashida Begum was married to him. She also died after a few years. The third marriage was solemnized with Badar Begum of Behar. She gave birth to Amatul Hye, Zafarullah's only daughter. Badar Begum took divorce from Zafarullah.

Zafarullah's marriage with Bushra Rabbani was condemned by the Mufti of Syria. He issued a fatwa against it. Another Syrian scholar Sheikh Muhammad Khair Al-Qadri protested against the arranging of this marriage in the Embassy of Pakistan at Damascus. He called this marriage illegal and against the Islamic law. He said that Zafarullah belonged to a non-Muslim sect, Qadianiyya, which was established and promoted by the British Imperialists to further their ends and to seed the abrogation of Jehad. 85

The Marriage subsequently proved to be a failure and "a most poignant event in Zafarullah's life". Bushra was less in age than his daughter. She later on left him to marry the young scholar son of Michael Naimy, a great Lebanese Christian poet considered equal to Khalil Gibran. She also wrote Naimy's biography. Zafarullah was angelic in his love towards the woman even after she had moved out to live with her lover. There was no emotion even in that, it was purely an intellectual decision, made with the mind rather than feeling " 86

London Conference

Mirza Mahmud held conferences in Zurich, Hamburg and London to devise a new strategy for the uplift of the Community and to forge greater cooperation with western powers. The Conference held at London was attended by the representatives of all leading missions and discussed religious, economic and political issues vis-a-vis the movements going on in the Arab World for self-assertion and revival of Islamic values.

Sir Zafarullah says:

'During his visit to Europe in 1955 the Khalifatul Masih inspected the various missions in Europe and held a conference in London of all the missionaries working in different European countries, in which he checked up on their activities and progress and gave them directions and furnished them with guidance with regard to their future work.' 87 After his visit to Syria. Beirut, Switzerland, Italy, Holland and London Mirza Mahmud returned to Rabwah on 25 September 1955.

Zionist Support

In the light of new strategy chalked out for the Middle East, Mirza Mahmud sent Jalal-ud-Din Qamar from Pakistan to Israel to take over the charge of his office. Ch. Sharif who had been in Israel since 1938 left for Pakistan. Earlier Sh. Noor Ahmad and Rashid Chughtai came to Pakistan from Israel in 1951 after accomplishing their nefarious plans. All of them lived in Rabwah. The family of J.D.Qamar was in Rabwah while he served in Israel. 88

When Ch. Sharif left for Pakistan, the Israeli Prime Minister Ben Zevi sent him a special message to see him before his departure for Pakistan. His eagerness to see Ahmadiyya missionary points to secret understanding and close relations existing between the Zionists and their Qadiani hoodlums. On 28 November 1955 Sharif called on Israel Premier. In a Friday address Mirza Mahmud told his community with an air of pride that the Israeli Premier keenly desired to see Ahmadiyya missionary of Israel. 89

After the arrival of Ch. Sharif from Israel to Pakistan the monthly AlFurqan, Rabwah, published a Special Edition on Propagation of Islam in Palestine. Allah Ditta, editor writes:

"Maulana Muhammad Sharif was the in-charge of the Palestine Mission from 1938 to 1955. He has recently returned along-with his family. His place has been taken by Jalal-ud-Din Qamar as in-charge of the Mission." 90 Militant Zionist organizations always reacted sharply over the activities of Christian missionaries in their 'Promised Land'. They could never tolerate the propagation of Jesus' message in their ideological state. The controversy over missionary work in Israel always stirred ill feeling among Jewish religious militant groups. Missionary homes were attacked and several attempts were made to set fire to bookshops and destroy copies of the New Testament.' says a report on Christian Missions in Israel . 91 But that had never happened to Ahmadiyya Mission in Israel although they claimed to propagate Islam among Jews. Relations between Ahmadis and Jews were always cordial.

The nature of Israeli Qadiani collaboration can be seen from the following extract from Mirza Mubarak Ahmad's book Our Foreign Missions. He is the grandson of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad.

"The Ahmadiyya Mission in Israel is situated in Haifa at Mount Carmel. We have a mosque there, a Mission House, a library, a book depot, and a school. The mission also brings out a monthly, entitled Al Bushra, which is sent out to thirty different countries accessible through the medium of Arabic. Many works of the Promised Messiah have been translated into Arabic through this mission.   In many ways this Ahmadiyya Mission has been deeply affected by the Partition of what formerly was called Palestine. The small number of Muslims left in Israel derive a great deal of strength from the presence of our mission, which never misses a chance of being of service to them. Some time ago, our missionary had an interview with the Mayor of Haifa, when during the discussion on many points, he offered to build for us a school at Kababeer, a village near Haifa, where we have a strong and well established Ahmadiyya Community of Palestinian Arabs. He also promised that he would come to see our missionary at Kabbeer, which he did later, accompanied by four notables from Haifa. He was duly received by members of the community and by the students of our school. A meeting having been held to welcome the guests. Before his return he entered his impressions in the Visitor's Book.   Another small incident which would give readers some idea of the position our mission in Israel occupies, is that in 1956 when our missionary Chaudhry Muhammad Sharif returned to the Headquarters of the movement in Pakistan, the President of Israel sent word that he (our missionary) should see him before embarking on the journey back. Chaudhry Muhammad Sharif utilized the opportunity to present a copy of the Germen translation of the Holy Quran to the President, which he gladly accepted. This interview and what transpired at it, was reported in the Israeli Press, and a brief account was also broadcast on the radio." 92

The Realists

When Mirza Mahmud returned from his tour from Europe he saw some very influential Qadianis including two sons of Hakim Nuruddin, the first successor of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad and the so-called brain of Ahmadiyya movement, engaged in a bitter campaign against his high handedness and dictatorship in Rabwah. He became very frustrated and embarrassed because Nuruddin's sons, Abdul Manan and Abdul Wahab, were held in high esteem in the Qadiani circles for their 'erudition and piety' and had very close relations with him and his family.93 They were his brothers in law.

It is an interesting chapter in the history of Ahmadiyya movement that many close associates of Mirza Mahmud not only turned against him but leveled grave charges against him. Ahmadi dissidents, the Realists, so they called themselves, exposed the weaknesses of ailing and semi-insane Khalifa of Rabwah, It was alleged:

  1. That Mirza Mahmud used the funds of the Anjuman Ahmadiyya for his personal use and squandered the money collected in the name of 'propagation of Islam'94 He made large investments, purchased property in different parts of Pakistan, bought shares of leading industrial concerns for his kith and kin and had built up a strong financial empire for himself. He and a few old member of his large family owned most of the shares in foreign-based enterprises. He legally owned all the properties of his community based in Rabwah. 95
  1. That Mirza Mahmud had been involved in sexual indulgences and committed serious offences of moral turpitude. His agents supplied him with beautiful girls and teenagers to satisfy his lust. The allegations leveled frequently by Qadiani girls were repeated to prove him sinful. Some concealed their identity but a large number of 'victims' of alleged sexual assaults gave their full names and addresses. These girls swore upon the Holy Quran, threw challenges for Mobahila and invoked God's displeasure and wrath, had they been making false allegations against him. 96 Still Mirza Mahmud was insistent on being an infallible divine accountable to none.
  2. That the agents of Mirza Mahmud fell on the opponents of Khalifa. They were assaulted, manhandled and in some cases done to death as had happened to Fakhurddin Multani. Tactics of boycott, ostracization, mental torture, and spreading rumours to disgrace their near relatives and families were employed to force them to yield to 'Mahmudi Dictatorship'. Women were harassed in worst possible way. Members of Khudami-Ahmadiyya disgraced women and the rebels had to face murderous attacks by these unruly youth. Chief victims of Qadiani ruthlessness were Abdul Manan and Abdul Malik (Nuruddin's sons),97 Aziz ur Rehman, Prof. Faizur Rehman Faizi, Raja Bashir Ahmad Razi, Ch. Ghulam Rasul, Ch.Abdul Hamid Dada, Muhammad Younas Multani, Rahat Malik, Abdul Latif, Abdul Rab Barham, Ch. Salahuddin Nasir, M.Majid, Mirza Hayat Tasir, Yousaf Naz and Ali Muhammad Ajmeri. They were condemned as hypocrites and miscreants and were declared expelled from the community. Many of them left at their own will. 98
  3. That Mirza Mahmud has appointed his near relatives on the key posts irrespective of their qualification. An honest man cannot indulge in nepotism and favouritismm.99
  4. That Mirza Mahmud has been paving way for the dictatorship of Mirza Nasir Ahmad through overt and covert means.100 It proved correct in 1965 after his death.
  5. That Mirza Mahmud pretends to be a Khalifa and a Muslih Mawood appointed by God which is a totally baseless assertion. He pretends to be the recipient of ilham and revelations. As he had made false claims, divine chastisement fell upon him. He suffered from paralysis and numerous other diseases. 101
  6. That Mirza Mahmud concealed his real intentions and beliefs in front of the Court of Inquiry 1953 to hoodwink public opinion and to deceive the Court. He was a great political opportunist of his time.102 He never missed the chance to build with the emerging political power.
Mirza Mahmud took every step to maintain his authority. He followers spied on the dissidents to expose their designs. Scores of resolutions were passed by members of Ahmadiyya Community to express their resentment over the activities of so called hypocrites and mischief mongers who said to have enjoyed support from Lahore Section of the Jama'at Ahmadiyya (the Paighamis).103 It was alleged that a former Qadiani Dervaish, Allah Rakha, had been deputed by the dissidents to kill Mirza Mahmud. There was no truth in this assertion but Mirza Mahmud kept on repeating the charge. He was perhaps suffering from paranoia at that time. Resolutions were also passed against Allah Rakha by Qadiani Jama'at. 104 The priestly hierarchy projected Mirza Mahmud as a great religious divine, more or less a prophet, and organized meeting against the Realists to check unrest.

The first President of the Haqiqat Pasand Party was Raja Razi, the son of Ali Muhammad, a Settlement Officer in an Ahmadiyya Office. The party published a lot of literature to expose the real character of Qadiani hierarchy and the moral conditions of so-called exponents of 'True Islam'. The real facts are too bitter to be stated here. A serious student of Ahmadiyya Movement cannot overlook this aspect of Qadianism. He has to narrate facts even if they are bitter and distasteful to some zealots.105

Palace Intrigues

After Ghulam Muhamad's disablement and retirement, the two leading bureaucrats of the country - Iskander Mirza and Ch. Muhammad Ali jockeyed their way to positions of President and Prime Minister respectively. But they soon fell out. This was the time when bureaucracy reigned supreme and politics of the country had become synonymous with palace intrigues.

Iskander Mirza , as President, adopted the old techniques of dividing the politicians among themselves and using arbitrary powers to establish and consolidate his personal rule. He got rid of Ch. Muhammad Ali, at the same time turned his attention to the Bengalis who were the most vocal opponents of authoritarianism. An artificial crisis was created through the speaker of the East Pakistan Assembly, who disqualified the United Front Government from proceeding with its budget and adjourned the Assembly sine die. This gave the Central Government an excuse to dismiss the provincial ministry of the United Front. President rule was proclaimed in the province on 26 May 1956.

Parliamentary Government was restored in the East Wing on 1st July and Abdul Hussain Shakar formed the United Front ministry. However another crisis was concocted through the Provincial Government. The assembly was prorogued against the wishes of the Chief Minister and the President's rule was proclaimed for a second time on 31 August 1956.

Meanwhile agitation started in West Pakistan against the merger of the four provinces into one Unit. The West Pakistan Cabinet resigned on 20 March 1057 and President's rule was promptly clamped. It was lifted after four months when the former NWFP Inspector General of Police, Sardar Abdul Rashid, became the Chief minister in place of Dr. Khan Sahib. 106

On 11 October 1957 Iskander Mirza succeeded in getting rid of H.S.Suharwardy, who had become extremely popular as Prime Minister in both wings, thus posing a threat to the authority of President Mirza. Inevitably another crisis was cooked up. The Republican Party, Suharwardy's coalition partners, withdrew their support to the Government on the one Unit issue. Suharwardy requested the President to call a special session of the National Assembly in order to seek vote of confidence. The President refused and Shuarwardy was left with no alternative but to resign. Two more cabinets led by 1.1.Chaundrigar and Feroz Khan Noon, followed in quick succession and then Iskendar Mirza gave his final blow to democracy. On 7 October 1958 he assumed the role of a dictator, proclaimed Martial law, dismissed the central and provincial Governments, abrogated the constitution, dissolved the assemblies and appointed the Army Commander, General Ayub Khan, as Chief Martial Law Administrator. Ayub outmaneuvered him to grab power.

During these years (1954-58) Pakistan was an ally of the US Imperialism. It lost its prestige in the Arab World because of its involvement in SEATO and CENTO. President Nasser of Egypt severely criticized these pacts. The Soviet Union accused Pakistan of sharing the aggressive attitudes of the West and strongly supported the Indian stand on various issues especially Kashmir. Pakistan's image was greatly tarnished by the Suharwardy Government. It declined to give active support to Arab Countries against Imperialist-Zionist attack when Jamal Nasser and the forces of Egypt took hold of Egypt. 107

In the year 1957 Qadainis had been actively involved in Pakistan politics through the bureaucracy and pro-western lobby. The involvement was so deep that the Government had to work on a proposal for declaring them a political organization. A well-informed correspondent disclosed in The Muslim, Islamabad:

The secret working of the Jama'at assumed new dimensions under the Martial Law of 1958. Ayub patronized the movement to let it grow and spread tentacles abroad.

    1. The Muslim Islamabad 27 May, 1984
    2. D.P. Singhal, Pakistan P. 80
    3. Tarikh Ahmadiyyat Vol XII P.321
    4. Maulana Shabir Ahmad, Al Shahab, Majis-e-Tahfaz-i-Khatme-e-Nabuwat Lahore, 1953
    5. K.K. Aziz Party Politics in Pakistan, Islamabad 1976, P. 162
    6. Munir Report, P.75
    7. Ibid P.76 See also tarikh Ahamdiyyat Vol XV P.123
    8. Altabligh Rabwah, 21 June 1952
    9. See Munir Report P. 125
    10. See Dawn, 11July 15 August 7, 21 and 24 September 1952
    11. Al Furqan Rabwah, November, 1970 also Tarikh, Vol XV p. 274
    12. Alfurqan Rabwah, February-March-April, 1953
    13. Alfurqan Rabwah, October 1953
    14. Tarikh Ahmadiyat Vol XV appendix
    15. Tarikh-e-Ahmadiyat Vol XV Appendix
    16. Maulana Maudoodi's Interview in Paiman, Karachi, 11-26 March, 1973 See also Kalima Bandur , The Jama'at-i-Islami of Pakistan, Progressive Book Lahore, 1983
    17. Ibid
    18. Jama'at Ahamdiyya Lahore, Qadiani Masla Ka Jawab Tariq Printing Agency Lahore, 1953
    19. The specter of an impending famine was raised cleverly by the US circles and a CIA sponsored press campaign was started to magnify the food shortage into a famine scare. This encouraged hoarding and food prices started rising. The Nazimuddin Government desperation turned to the US for help but even the promise of food aid from the US was withheld until the Nazimuddin Government had been in April 1953. Within a week food aid was announced by the US but the promised food did not actually being to arrive from the US until after the bumper harvest of the following year. The fact that the famine scare form the fact that the food situation did not deteriorate much further as the year progressed until the following harvest and Pakistan got by despite the non-arrival of the promised food aid. (Pakistan. The unstable State, Hassan Gardezi and Jamil Rashid (Ed) vangurd Books Ltd. Lahore, (1983)
    20. Abu Ala Maudoodi,, The Qadiani Problem, Islamic Publication Ltd: Lahore 1979, p.82
    21. Zafarullah Claims that no one in East Pakistan exhibited the slightest interest in the affairs. Even in West Pakistan the intelligentsia stood aloof. It is a wrong contention, in all Pakistan Muslim League Session at Dacca in October 1952 a notice was served to the League's declaring Qadianis, a non Muslim minority, but was not accepted. (See Tarikh Vol-XV, P.350)
    22. Zafarullah, Tahdith, P. 585& Servant of God, P. 199
    23. Shorish Kashimiri, Thrik-i-Khatam-i-Nabuwat Lahore, For Qadiani version see Malik Fazal Hussain, Fasadat-i-1953 Ka Pas Manzar, Lyallpur, 1957 and Tarikh-i-Ahmadiyat Vol. XV
    24. See issue of Altabing, Rabwah January 1950 The view point of Lahore section of Ahmadiyat was explained by Ch. Muhammad Hussain Cheema advocate Gujrat (and Member Punjab Provincial Distt. Muslim League). Maujooda Agitation per Aik Tabsara, Lahore 1952
    25. C&M Gazette, Lahore, 2. April 1953
    26. The Nation Lahore 28 September 1987
    27. Major General (Retd) Umrao Khan, Aik Jamail Keee Sarguzisht, Lahore 1985 P.92
    28. Imam Jama'at Ahamdiyya's Statement in the Court of Enquiry, Saeed Art Press, Hyderabad , Sind
    29. Mirza Mahmud Ahmad Islamic Ideology, Al Shirka-tul-Islamia, Rabwah , 1954
    30. Reply to Seven Question of the Court of Enquiry, Darul Tajlid, Lahore
    31. See Mirza Mahmud's The Truth About the Split Barkat-e-Khlafat, Aiana Sadaqat-i-Nabuwat etc
    32. Maulana Maudoodi's Second Statement in the Court of Enquiry, Jama'at-i-Islami Lahore, 1945 PP12-36
    33. M.A. Faruqi, Muhammad Ali, The Great missionary of Islam Lahore 1966. P.88
    34. Maulana Maudoodi, The Qadiani Problem, P.86
    35. Munir Report P. 269
    36. Maryam Jameelah, who is Maudoodi, Lahore, 1973 P.15
    37. See Dr. M.A. Karandikar Islam in India's Transition to Modernity Eastern Publishers India, PP.284-287
    38. Justice Muhammad Munir' From Jinnah to Zia vanguard Book Ltd Lahore,1980 P. 43
    39. An Analyiss of the Munir report Jama'at -e-Islami Karachi, 1956, Aslo see Muhammad Naeem Siddiqui, Tabsara Lahore 1955 and Maulana Maykash, Mohasba, Lahore 1955
    40. Justice Dr. Javed Iqbal ideology of Pakistan. See also Munir , op cit P. 71
    41. Y.U. Gankovsky and L.R. Gordon PolonSkaya, A History of Pakistan 1948-58, People Publishing House Lahore, P.184
    42. Jama Das Akhtar, The Saga of Bangladesh Delhi, 1971, P.81
    43. J.D. Shams, Masih-i-Maud kee Paish Goyan, Sare Anjuman Ahmady Rabwah P.48 For mirza's prophecy see Zafarullah's English Transiation of Tazkita P.305
    44. The Reiew of Religions Rabwah,August 1953
    45. Ibid
    46. Hugh Tinker, India and Pakistan Political Analysis, Lahore 1965 P. 76
    47. Sir Zafarullah, The Agony of Pakistan, P.107 also Servant of God, P.200-203
    48. Mirza Mahmud , Al Mubasharat, P.293
    49. D.P. Singal, op cit, P.82
    50. The promised food died not actually being to arrive until after the bumper harvest of the following year(Gardezi) and Rashid op. cit)
    51. P. Singhal, op. cit P.85
    52. Khalid B.Sayeeed, politics in Pakistan Pager Publishers, USA 1980 P.41
    53. Singal op. cit 86
    54. AlFazl Rabwah 5 November 1954
    55. Almubasharat (Revelations, dreams etc of Mirza Mahmud ) Rabwah, P.298
    56. AlFazl Lahore, 5 November, 1954
    57. Al-Muslih Karachi 20 October, 1953
    58. AlFazl Lahore,10 October 1954
    59. AlFazl Lahore,10 October1954
    60. AlFazl Lahore,19November, 1954
    61. AlFazl Lahore, 6 November 1954
    62. AlFazl Lahore, 11 January, 1955
    63. Maulana Masud Alam Nadwi, Dunya-e-Islam Kee Maujooda Islami Tehrikain, Islamic Publications Lahore 1972 P. 18
    64. AlFazl Rabwah, 3 October, 1955
    65. AlFazl Rabwah, 23 July, 1955
    66. AlFazl Rabwah, 14 August, 1955
    67. AlFazl Lahore 25 November 1954
    68. It may be recalled that Sir Zafarullah recommended him for the membership of the Viceroy's Executive Council in pre-partition days when he was employed by the Nizam of Hyderabad (Sic)
    69. AlFazl Lahore, 22 September, 1955
    70. General Assembly Debate, 18 September 1953
    71. Zafarullah, Tahidth P.60. Servant of God, P.214
    72. S.M. Burke, Pakistan's Foreign Policy, London 1973 P.168
    73. Weekly Chattan Lahore 29 November, 1973 P.168
    74. Servant of God, P.204
    75. Shirin Tahir Keheli, The United States and Pakistan, Preager Publisher NY (USA) 1982, P.5
    76. Tariq Ali, op. cit. P.75
    77. Sir Zafarullah, Servant of God P.213
    78. Servant of God P.217
    79. G.W. Chaudhry India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Major Powers, P.89
    80. AlFazl Rabwah, 23 April, 1955
    81. Tarikh Vol XVII P. 496 and AlFazl Rabwah, 21 April, 1955
    82. AlFazl Rabwah, 21 May, 1955
    83. AlFazl Rabwah 6 May 1955
    84. The monthly Shakhsyat Karachi, September 1970 PP 14-15
    85. Riyasat, Delhi, 28 May 1956
    86. Weekly Mag, Karachi 12-18 September 1985
    87. Sir Zafarullah, Ahmadiyat P.333
    88. Abu Mudassara op. cit, P.208
    89. Tarikh-e-Ahmadiyat Vol V, P.507
    90. AlFurqan Rabwah February, 1956
    91. Morning News Karachi, 26 September, 1973
    92. Mirza Mubarak Ahmad, Our Foreign Missions, Nusrat Art Press Rabwah 1965 P.79
    93. AlFazl Rabwah, 5 September, 1956
    94. Rahat Malik, Dor-e-Hazir Ka Mazhabi Aamer (Religious Director of the Present Time), Albalagh Press, Lahore 1956, P.64
    95. Mirza Mahmud ki Mali Badaitidalian (Misappropriation of Funds by Mirza Mahmud) Haqiqat Pasand Party, Albalagh Press Lahore P.8
    96. Tarik-e-Mahmudyat Kay Chand Aham Magar Poshida Auraq (Some important but Secret Pages From the History of Mahmudyat) Haqiqat Pasand Party, Gliani Press, Lahore.
    97. For Qadiani version See Mirza Abdul Haq, Molvi, Abdul Manan Kay Case See Ajmali Tafsilat Rabwah 25 November 1956. Also Dost Muhammad Shaid, Khilafat-i-Ahmadiyya Kay Mukhalifeen Kee Tehrik, Rabwah 1956
    98. Haqiqat Pasand Party Rabwah Raj Kay Mehmudi Mansoobay, Sind Sagar Academy, Lahore
    99. Rahat Malik op cit P.111
    100. Ibid. Further Sever allegations may be seen in the Pamphlet-Mirza Mahmud 'Hosh Mein Awo' distributed secretly in Rabwah and subsequently published by HPP
    101. Sibte Noor Chand, Qaabil-e-Ghur Haqaiq, Lahore 1961(Some Facts Worth Consideration) Also see Abdul Rab Barham, Balay Damishq Aur Khilafat-e-Islamya, Daily Business Press, Lyallpur(Faisalabad )
    102. Saleh Noor, Khalifa Rabwah Kay do Mazhab, Parwaz Press Lyallpur. Also see Ahmadiyyat Sey Mahmoodyat Tak, HPP Lahore and Ahmadiyyat Ka Damain Wapseen(The Last Breath of Qadianism) HPP, Lahore
    103. Mirza Mahmud, Nizam-e-Islami Ki Mukhalfat, Address dated 27 December, 1956 Ziaul Islam Press Rabwah
    104. AlFazl Rabwah 3-29 July, 1956
    105. See also Mirza Muhammad Hussain Fitna Inkar-i-Nabuwat, Lahore, 1976
    106. Out Look Karachi, 14 April 1973
    107. Dawn Karachi, 11 August, 1957
    108. The Muslim, Islamabad, 24 May 1984.