As a part of their doctrine, Qadianis penetrated the Muslim rank and file by confusing innocent minds through an anti Islamic exploitation of human weaknesses. When Pakistan, in her initial days of independence, was striving hard for her existence and survival, Qadianis with the help of the "invisible hands" of Imperialism and neocolonialism, were making deep thrusts into the bureaucracy, Armed Forces and other official and semi-official institutions. After having captured a number of key posts in these institutions, they converted or attempted to convert their "subordinates" to Qadianism. It was not a purely religious matter between God and man and certainly not in line with Quaid-e-Azam's policy framework. It was a planned, collective "shudhi" like move, an aggression, exploitation and a religious assimilation. The advocates of secularism or "broadminded democratic regimes" did not take any notice of such aggressive designs. As a result, Qadianis got a free hand to indoctrinate the general masses through extensive use of "carrot and stick " methods. They enjoyed tremendous political influence to defeat any move and punished any person or organization that worked against their wishes and designs. 1
After the death of Liaqat Ali, Nazimuddin took over the prime minister-ship and Ghulam Muhammad, a former civil servant, became Governor General of Pakistan. 'The change in the political leadership came about at a time when, after four years of existence, political cohesion and emotion, had been submerged by realities and Pakistan had began to show signs of restlessness. The constitution was still not framed, the Constituent Assembly had become a battleground of factional and regional disputes. The Centre and the provinces were at loggerheads, and the provinces were fighting among themselves. The economy was in decline because the boom of the Korean War had eased, there was shortage of food, the dominant Muslim League was rapidly losing influence, and politicians were engaged in intrigues and squabbles especially in the Punjab. There was tension between the East and West Pakistan and a sense of disillusionment prevailed. No real success had been achieved in the rehabilitation, Kashmir, and canal water disputes with India continued to cast a shadow over Pakistan's security.2
Dissatisfaction prevailed among the people of Pakistan at the role Mirza Mahmud had been playing in the newly created state of Pakistan. They came to know that Qadianis were playing the Imperialist game in order to undermine the integrity of the State. Qadianis' intrigues in Kashmir and Baluchistan and their involvement in the Pindi Conspiracy Case helped to know their future political plans. It was also believed that Qadianis were in one way or other responsible for assassination of Liaqat Ali Khan who had come to know about their secret workings and planned a reshuffle in his Cabinet. People did not like Zafarullah at all for his past role as a very loyal servant of British Imperialism and his perspective on foreign policy. He betrayed the Muslims when called upon to plead the League's case before the Boundary Commission and Kashmir issue before the UN. His useless rhetorics brought nothing but untold miseries to Kashmir Muslims and deadlock over the issue.
Within a few months time, the ulema of all shades of opinion launched a movement against Rabwah. The main theme of their addresses was that Mirza Ghulam Ahmad was a British agent who had been created by the British to disrupt Islamic solidarity. The activities of Qadianis in the Islamic State of Pakistan should be checked. Before the partition, Mirza Mahmud had told his followers that Pakistan was not going to come into existence and that if any such state was created, the Ahmadis would endeavour to re-unite the divided country; Sir Zafarullah was disloyal to the state and should be removed; all Ahmadis be removed from key posts; Qadianis should be declared a non-Muslim minority. Some ulema took an extreme position. They demanded that Qadiani apostates should be stoned to death, a penalty meant for renegades. They made a reference to Maulana Shabir Ahmad Usmani's pamphlet Ash Shahab 4 , which he wrote in 1920s that apostates deserve the penalty of death.
The pioneers of the Khatm-e-Nabuwat movement were mainly the leaders of the Majlis-e-Ahrar-i-Islam. The Majlis was politically inclined towards the Congress in the pre-Partition days. However on 12 January 1949 in the Defense Conference at Lahore, they announced their decision to cease functioning as a political party and to continue their future activity as a religions group. In the political matters they announced to follow Muslim League. The Ahrar leader held several Tabligh Conferences in early 1950 to press for the popular agitation, which in certain cases took a sharp turn. Their preachers were attacked and the meetings disrupted. Despite that they continued to hold meetings in big cities of Pakistan.
In the Punjab, elections were held in 1951. The Muslim League won a good majority. Against its undertaking to the Ahrars, League nominated a few candidates who were Ahmadis, all of them lost.5 The Ahrars celebrated the Thanksgiving Day. Anjumane Ahmadiyya, Karachi, announced the holding of a public meeting on 17 to 18 May 1952. Sir Zafarullah was the main speaker. A few days before the meeting, Khawaja Nazimuddin, the Prime Minister of Pakistan expressed his disapproval of Ch. Zafarullah Khan's intention to attend a sectional public meeting. 'Ch.Zafarullah Khan told Khawaja Nazimuddin that he was committed to the Anjuman but that if he had been advised earlier he would have refrained from attending the meeting. In view of his commitment, he said he felt it his duty to speak at the meeting and if the Prime Minister insisted on his not attending it, he could have his resigation,' 6
Zafarullah, in his speech called 'Ahmadiyyat a plant implanted by God Himself and that plant had taken root to provide a guarantee for the preservation of Islam in fulfillment of the promise contained in the Quran, that if this plant was removed, Islam would no longer be a live religion but would be like a dried up tree having no demonstrable superiority over other religions.' 7
Strong resentment was expressed over holding of the meeting and the demonstrations started in Karachi and the Punjab.
The national press gave a mixed reaction over the Karachi incident.8 Nevertheless the aggressive nature of Tabligh was greatly resented and led to the intensification of the popular anti-Qadiani movement. After Zafarullah's speech, an All Parties Muslim Conference was held at Karachi and four demands were formuated: Ahmadis be declared a non-Muslim minority; Sir Zafarullah be removed from the office of Foreign minister; Ahmadis be removed from key posts and to achieve aforesaid objects an Al Pakistan Muslim Parties Convention be called.
The Government was dealing with the issue in haphazard way, trying hard to appease ulema by offering a few concessions. Binder analyses Kh. Nazimuddin's attitude towards ulema's demands in the following words:
Qadiani delegation then called on Prime Minister Kh. Nazimuddin. Also present there were Abdul Rab Nishter, Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani, and Fazal-ur- Rahman Bengali. Qadiani point of view on Khatam-e-Nabuwat issue and the implications of their demands were explained to him. They could not convince the Prime Minister.
Since Qadiani had access to the higher bureaucratic circles, they launched a vigorous anti-Ahrar campaign and made all efforts to prove that the Ahrars had a questionable political past. They were anti-Pakistani and pro-Congress elements. The Anti Ahmadiyya movement was said to be a political stunt meant to create unrest and undo the partition of the sub-continent. On the contrary Qadianis posed themselves as a pro-Pakistan group and claimed to have taken aprt in the independence movement and had won the war waged against the Congress and the British. 12
As for the burning issue of enforcement of Islamic laws in Pakistan, Qadiani believed that under the circumstances prevailing at that time in Pakistan, the enforcement of Islamic constitution was very difficult as there was no suitable environment for it. The ulema had not prepared ground for it. 13
To explain the rationale and need of Muslim demands, Maulana Maudoodi wrote a pamphlet: The Qadiani Problem. He exposed religio-political aims of Ahmadiyya movement in a lucid way. It was widely upheld for its well-reasoned and cogent arguments. Lahore chapter of Qadiani Jama'at made an absurd attempt to answer the vital issues discussed in it 18 which back fired.
Maulana Maudoodi explained that the Qadiani problem had arisen not because the Muslim, in some fit of orthodoxy or fanaticism, wanted to excommunicate any group of people. Its origin on the other hand was traced to the claims of Mirza Ghulam Ahamd of messiahship and Prophethood, and as a consequence branding those who did not believe in him to be Kafir and outside the pale of his Islam. On the basis of writings of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad and his followers he proved that Ahmadism is a separate religion and Ahmadis are Imperialist stooges and spies commissioned to defuse Muslim resistance to infidel over rule. Throughout its existence its main object has been to promote Imperialist interests. Now they have been working to promote Imperialist power in Pakistan. Dr. Iqbal rightly asked the British to declare Qadiani as separate community in 1935. They, while pursuing a policy of separation in religious and social matters, were, however, anxious to remain politically within the fold of Islam 'because of the political advantages in the spheres of Government services which accrue to them by remaining within the fold.'
Maulana added:
Sir Zafarullah claims that he told Nazimuddin that he was willing to tender resignation if it helped him in any way but he did not agree. He then went to the USA to attend the UN Session where he received a telegram from Nazimuddin that he should not come to Pakistan before the Direct Action Day. I.I. Chundrigar, the Governor of the Punjab and Daultana, the Chief Minister, anticipated a fast deterioration of situation to the extent of lawlessness. The Governor phoned the Chief Minister that the situation in Lahore had deteriorated to such an extent that many public institutions had gone under the control of the people. The Cabinet asked Sikandar Mirza, the Secretary Defense, to make an immediate contact with General Azam Khan to inquire from him if he could restore law and order in the city. He informed that he could do it in an hour's time, if directed. So he did.22
What the notorious Sikandar Mirza did in imposition of Martial Law is quite strange. He gave orders to GOC General Azam to impose Martial Law without due authorization of the Prime Minister and the Central Cabinet which was in session at that time, 6 March 1953. When the military action started it was difficult to stop it.
Qadianis played a heinous role during the Khatam-e-Nabuwat movemnt.23 They spent thousands of rupees to buy over some unscrupulous journalists, civil servants, lawyers and secular elements to launch a counter offensive against the popular movement.24 The imperialist powers fully backed them through their influential hoodlums operating in the bureaucracy of Pakistan. The Zionist lobby and the Jewish-controlled foreign press strongly favoured the Ahmadiya point of view and expressed much sympathies with them. Zafarullah exerted strong pressure on Pakistan hierarchy through his foreign masters for ruthless suppression of the anti-Qadianis mass movement.
After the declaration of Martial Law, Military Courts were set up and the city was placed under military administration. Many leaders were arrested including Maulana Maudoodi, Amir Jama'at Islami. Syed Maudoodi and Maulana Abdul Sattar Naizi were tried before Military Courts and sentenced to death. Here again the Martial Law authorities over stepped their charter, which was the restoration of law and order only. The whole nation condemned it. The action was also resented by the Prime Minister. It also brought a sharp reaction from the Arab World. The Governor General of Pakistan was forced to commute sentences to imprisonment for life. Syed and Niazi did not apply for mercy and remained contended with their fate.
Mirza Nasir Ahmad, Principal T.I. College Rabwah, Mirza Sharif Ahamd and 8 others were arrested on 1st April 1953 on the charge of violation and infringement of Martial law Order and Regulations but were released on 28th May 1953. Law enforcing agencies raided Rabwah to recover arms and ammunition.25 Mirza Mahmud was not naive to store arms and ammunitions in Rabwah. He was playing a different game.
Brigadier (Retd.) A.R.Siddiqi has aptly analysed events of 1953 Martial Law and raised some pertinent questions on it. This has now been clear that Sikandar Mirza himself gave the order to GOC, General Azam, to impose Martial law without due authorization of the Prime Minister. Further, the sole aim of the Martial Law was to restore law and order in the Punjab. This was achieved within a fortnight after its imposition on 6 March 1953. Despite it persisted until 17 May obviously to achieve some other political motives, which included the dismissal of the Prime Minister and to tackle the situation arising out of it.
The Martial Law Administration clearly overstepped its authority. The press was muzzled. Strict pre-censorship was imposed and several papers were banned and their editors jailed. It was not still clear why Martial Law extended it dragnet to include every thing from character building, social and educational reforms to everyday hygiene and sanitation? During military action a number of junior officers were found involved in the cases of misbehaviour and misuse of their authority. Those were either ignored or allowed to get away with light reprimand warnings.
The award of death sentence by the military courts to Syed Maudoodi and Maulana Sattar Niazi was over and above the charter of Martial Law. It was a condemnable act committed without the lawful authority with utter horror of the nation and disgust of the Prime minister. The Military for the first time had the sweet taste of civil administration. It also came to know its importance in case of a national crisis and felt eager to play their due role in the national politics and affairs.26
The Martial Law Administration had a source of inspiration in the person of the then Chief of General Staff, Major General Ahya-uddin, a diehard Qadiani. He was in favour of the use of naked force to crush the movement. He wanted to clear the agitators from Wazir Khan Mosque, Lahore, where they had shut them up, with a suitable military action. The plan was, subsequently dropped due to its wider political repercussions. Major General Ahya-uddin had a very narrow outlook in national affairs. His main concern was to save Ahmadiyya community at all costs. 27
In his testimony to the Court, Mirza Mahmud made a shameless and clever attempt to hide the real position and the nature of Ahmadiyya beliefs behind the deception of crooked and false explanations to deceive the Court. Since assumption of Qadiani 'Gaddi' in 1914, he had unequivocally insisted that Mirza Ghulam Ahmad was a real prophet like that of Moses, Ibraham etc, non Ahmadis were Kafir and out of the pale of Islam, an Ahmadi could neither join daily prayers with Muslims not offer their funeral prayer, Ahmad is the name of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad given in the Quran, etc,31 but before the Court , he adopted a different posture, a conciliatory attitude to deceive the judges. People deplored his attitude. He stooped too low and took the position which had been held by Lahore Section of Ahmadiyya Community.32 No one from Qadiani Jama'at dared to ask this unscrupulous 'Maud' about his volte face. In short, 'Mirza Mahmud retracted from many of his boastful and wrong stands, much to the chagrin of his followers and delight of his opponents', comments a Lahori Ahmadi.33
Maulana Maudoodi, in his second statement to the Court of Enquiry criticized Mirza Mahmud's statement. He observed:
Jama'at-i-Islami gave a befitting reply to Munir's diatribe.39 Justice Dr. Javed Iqbal in his book Ideology of Pakistan (1917) has given very convincing arguments to repudiate Munir's assertions and his theory on genesis of Pakistan.40
Jamna Das Akhtar, a veteran Indian journalist says 'Ahmadis were openly accused of promoting the interests of British Imperialism and of spreading heretical ideas, opposed to the fundamental principles of Islam. It is suspected that the American interests also played a prominent role in this game because at the time the USA was trying to eliminate pro-British elements from the Government and replace them with more amenable politicians.42
For Qadianis the Tehrik strengthened their position and proved that the Jama'at was 'invincible'. It helped to fulfil a "prophecy revealed to the Promised Messiah." J.D. Shams, a former missionary in Israel says:
Qadianis considered themselves invisible and felt satisfied with the outcome of the movement. American CIA and Imperialist agencies provided them further support for their growth in the Middle East and the newly liberated African countries. The people of Pakistan strongly felt that they been betrayed. It caused a sharp demoralizing effect on the masses who sacrificed their lives for a noble cause.
The Muslim League received a crushing blow and had to face a humiliating defeat in the next elections. It also caused the downfall of Daultana Ministry in the Punjab and replacement of Khawaja Nazimuddin as Prime Minister who felt himself helpless in front of the powerful trio, Ghulam Muhammad, Governor General, Ayub Khan, C-in-C and Sikandar Mirza, Defense Secretary. Also the image of the army shattered in the minds of public. Maj. Gen. Azam Khan GOC 10th Infantry Division, used all coercive measures including indiscriminate firing on the peaceful mob. Bonapartism took deep roots and that worked behind the scene.
The bureaucracy and police collaborated with Rabwah and encouraged the Khudam-i-Ahmadiyya and other paramilitary Qadiani bodies to take up their role where law and order situation demanded. It gave a big boost to Qadiani paramilitary bodies.
Qadianis occupied more important positions in business, bureaucracy and military after 1953. However the anti Qadiani movement foreclosed the serious possibility of Zafarullah succeeding Nazimuddin as Prime Minister.
In subsequent years Qadianis changed their political strategy. They avoided an open conflict with Muslims and strengthened their relations with military and bureaucracy.
Sir Zafarullah writes:
Nazimuddin's unceremonious dismissal was in fact the beginning of the political instability that lasted for the next five years and the emergences and the decline of the parliamentary democracy in Pakistan. It was contrary to the parliamentary practice and the political, legal and psychological repercussions of the action were far reaching. Bogra was almost unknown as a politician. His appointment came as a surprise to political observers and public alike, and it was widely suspected that his transfer from Washington to Karachi, elevation to the office was a prelude to closer relations between the US and Pakistan. 49
Only three days after the new premier's nomination, the US President Eisenhower asked Congress for authority to ship hundreds and thousands of tons of wheat to Pakistan.50 The US was at that time conducting a vigorous anti-Communist policy and looking for friends in Asia. Pakistan entered into defense pacts with it.
After the visit of Mr. Dulles and Mr. Stassan to Karachi in May 1953, the next distinguished guest in Pakistan capital was the Deputy Chief of the US Mission in Turkey. Then came the unannounced visit of the seven members of the House Armed Services Committee. Then in September General Ayub Khan, C-in C, flew to Washington where his visit was for medical treatment, but also had talks with President Eisenhower. Pakistan indicated that if the US armed her, she would grant Washington the use of bases and possibly would permit the construction of new ones. Also she was willing to join in the Middle East defense effort under that conditions.
The country faced crisis and the political balance was going against the Muslim League. It suffered a crushing defeat in East Pakistan in 1954 elections against the United Front led by A.K. Fazale Haq and H.S. Sharwardy. The United front after forming a ministry under Fazale Haq "Sought freedom from the domination of Karachi " 51 In May 1954 the Government of East Bengal was handed over to the centrally appointed Governor, Maj-Gen Iskander Mirza , who at that time was the Secretary Defense at the Centre. Thus the same pattern of central intervention had taken place in East Bengal as in the Punjab, the difference being that it was the Muslim League politicians who could not control the situation arising out of religious disturbances in Punjab who had been removed. In East politicians of the United Front, who had won an over whelming majority in the provincial election and who had been also to mobilize massive ethnic support in the province were dismissed. In both cases there was military intervention except that martial law was imposed in Punjab, whereas a defense official was put in charge of the civil administration in East Bengal. 52
The Constituent Assembly adopted the amended basic Principle Committee Report by 20 to 11 votes. The Prime Minister of Pakistan declared that discussions on the Draft Constitution would be finished by 25 December 1954 and the new constitution would be adopted on the Quaid's birthday. He also declared that Pakistan would become a Republic on 1st January 1955. After that assembly was adjourned to 27th October1954.
In the last week of October, Premier Bogra and General Ayub returned form Washington after negotiating a long-term military and economic aid pact with America. On 24 October 1954 Governor General Ghulam Muhammad dismissed both the Constituent Assembly and the Cabinet, a drastic and undemocratic action. A new Cabinet was formed with M.A. Bogra continuing as the Prime Minister. Nine other members including C-in-C General Ayub Khan, Dr. Khan, H. S. Suharwardy and Maj. Gen. Sikander Mirza were appointed in the Cabinet. None of these nine had a seat in the dissolved Assembly. The army was brought closer to administration and the civil service, which was already a force in Pakistan politics, gained greater power.53
The Qadianis were jubilant over the Governor General's undemocratic and arbitrary act of dissolving the Constituent Assembly. They called it a very wise, judicious and timely step. Had he not taken this step the situation would have deteriorated further. The brightest aspect of his move, says AlFazl: "is holding of new elections as a result of which new Assembly will come into existence. The paper warned the extremist leaders not to play with the destiny of the nation as Akhwans were doing in Egypt." 54
Mirza Mahmud in an address expressed his profound satisfaction over the Governor General's move and disclosed that three days before the Governor General's action, he had hinted at the possibility of breaking the power of ruling class, who were creating mischief, with a view to saving the country from that crisis. He claims that his prophecy had marvelously been fulfilled.' 55
Mirza Mahmud gave justification of the undemocratic action of the Governor general and emphasized that the Constituent Assembly had already lost its value. He also welcomed the inclusion of non-League members like Dr. Khan Sahib in the Cabinet whom he called a man loyal to the country and Islam. He criticized those members of the League who had adopted an Anti-Ahmadiyya attitude.56
Qadiani mission in Israel towed the Zionist line and launched a religo-political offensive in the Middle East. Since the Arab countries did not allow Qadianis to set up missions in their lands, they either worked secretly or moved over to Africa where they had already created haven with the British support.
The main target of Qadiani attack was Akhwanul Muslimin movement of Egypt. Qadian called it a Communist Fascist movement having an appeal for those who do not know Islam but love it and want to see Arab World free from the western yoke. It has no appeal for far-sighted leaders and educated class of the country.57
In a leader AlFazl lashed at the Akhwan's role in the Suez affairs and alleged that they were conspiring against the solidarity of Egypt like Abdullah ibn-e-Saba who also gained success in Egypt. 58
The Qadiani papers also hurled abuses on the Akhwan and their policy towards the Suez issue where the British interests were involved. They were condemned as anti Islamic in character and had been out to create disruption, dissatisfaction and anarchy in Egypt. They believed in the seizure of power through fascist means and upheld waging armed struggle against the Government not allowed by Islam.59
On the assumption that Jama'at Islami of Pakistan is a prototype of the Akhwan, the paper attacked the political role played by the Jama'at in past seven years in Pakistan. It was alleged that the Jama'at, like the Akhwan, was political in nature and had been on rampage. "If it succeeds in collaboration with some other party it will operate in the same way as the Akhwans are doing against the Revolutionary Government in Egypt and its collaborators will in the end meet the same fate" 60 says the official organ of Rabwah.
Equally a strong tirade against other Islamic movements was launched which were fighting for political and economic emancipation in the Arab World; Darul Salam (Indonesia) and Fidayan-i-Islam (Iran) came under their attack. These parties were called fascist in character which believed in force and bloodshed. The Islamic World should check and curb their disruptive activities,61 AlFazl emphasized. The paper, however appreciated the work of Masjumi Party of Indonesia because its leader had written an article in support of Zafarullah Khan. 62
It is interesting to note here that the Masjumi Party outwardly Islamic in nature, comprised mainly of heterogeneous elements. Maulana Masud Alam Nadwi discloses that on the occasion of Motamar-i-Islami gathering (February 1951) he found that all members of the Indonesian delegation belonged to Masjumi Party. The leader of the delegation Shamsul Rijal was favourably inclined towards Qadianism. 63
Qadiani interfered in the politics of Pakistan in accordance with the instructions of their Imperialist masters and the Zionist lobby. They attacked the demand for Islamic constitution and criticized the religious hierarchy of Pakistan. 'We could make a constitution because our leaders were more concerned with the slogan raised by wrong people and the demands put forth by them than treading the right path with determination.' 64 A demand needs to be made that the constitution of Pakistan should be based on a just principle that no individual or group whether religious or political should have any complaint against it. It should guarantee the rights of all citizens of Pakistan. 65
On the 8th Anniversary of the birth of Pakistan (14 August 1955) AlFazl criticized the role of Muslim League in the country's politics: 'It has lost its popularity because some of its members played in the hands of enemies of Islam.' The paper attacked those elements who had been clamoring for a constitution but were themselves responsible for creating obstacles in making of such a constitution.66
Pressed by the Court's verdict, the Governor General issued an order providing for the formation of new Constituent Assembly. An important measure of the New Second Constituent Assembly was the establishment of the West Pakistan Act, passed in September 1955, which provided for the merger of the princely states, Karachi and four provinces of the Punjab, Sind, the NWFP and Baluchistan into one Unit called West Pakistan. AlFazl in its leader commented on the formation of one Unit in West Pakistan. It discussed the possibility of bringing two units (East and West Pakistan) under one centre and called it an easy and practical experiment. The paper leveled strong criticism against those leaders who stressed the need to integrate both wings of the country on the basis of Islamic ideology:
The SEATO provided guarantee against Communist threat only. Pakistan wanted to extend its scope to non-Communist countries also. Zafarullah says he discussed the issue with American Secretary of State Dulles, but of no results. They had special regards for each other. Both had a legal background and at the Japanese Peace Conference, Dulles warmly greeted Zafarullah on making the speech of the conference and in UN General Assembly Zafarullah returned the compliments by declaring that he had long admired the lofty views and noble concepts of Mr. Dulles. 70 The US Secretary of State regretted to take any action without the approval of the Senate. Zafarullah says since there was no time to get further instructions from Government of Pakistan, he signed the document with the following remarks: Signed for the purpose of transmission to the Government of Pakistan for it to take its decision in accordance with its constitutional procedures.71 These words do not appear in the published version of the treaty. On 19 January 1955 Pakistan ratified the pact and remained its zealous member in subsequent years. 72
Mauzam Ali, an eminent journalist says that he informed Bogra of the whole affairs of Manila Conference. He at once called a Cabinet meeting and sent a cable to Sir Zafarullah instructing him not to accept that clause of the Treaty.73 But Zafarullah, after signing the Treaty left for New York to attend the UN General Assembly Session.
Zafarullah also paved the way for CENTO. He visited Iran after the overthrow of Dr. Mossadeq Government by the CIA and held an exclusive meeting with the late Shah of Iran. 74 In September 1955 Pakistan entered into the Baghdad Pact. It was agreed to permit the armies of member countries to use Pakistan territory it circumstances demanded so. The US got the base at Peshawar, a valuable piece of real estate for its use and a US goal since 1954. 75 After a military coup in Iraq the Pact was renamed CENTO with Pakistan, Iraq, Turkey and Britain as its members. "The principle aim of the pact was to the Pakistan Army a mercenary force ready to defend United States interests in the Middle East." 76 It alienated Pakistan from the arab world and its foreign policy came under fire from Islamic quarters. It was called a pro West and an American ally representing Imperialist interests in the Asian region.
Sir Zafarullah became a judge of the ICJ mainly through American support as he himself reveals that Sir B.N.Rau, who had been elected judge of the International Court and had taken his seat on the Bench in February, 1952 had died in November 1953, before completing his terms of office. The Secretary General of the UN called for nominations to fill the Vacancy. He was not relieved by Pakistan Prime Minister to contest the seat. At the end of May 1954, Zafarullah went to Washington to clear up some difficulty that had arisen with he World Bank over the settlement of the Water dispute with India. There he met Col. Hank Byroad, US Assistant Secretary who advised him to see him in the State Department. Hanks told Zafarullah that he knew that he had been resigning from his post of Pakistan 's Foreign Minister-ship and wanted to joint the World Court. The deadline to send nomination had since expired But the US Government had already sent his name itself to the UN Secretariat for the judgeship Zafarullah left satisfied. He then requested the Assistant Secretary of State to help him overcome another difficulty in getting him elected. That since the death of Sir Rau in November 1953 India had been busy canvassing for its candidate and it required a good deal of lobbying and substantial support of the countries to secure a seat at the ICJ.
The American Government and all its allies, especially Israel was in favour of Zafarullah 's candidature. His rival candidate Justice Pal, Judge of the Calcutta High Court had been a member of the Japanese Was Criminal Tribunal and had dissented from a majority of his colleagues. Zafarullah says that in "his dissenting opinion he had stated that the War Crimes trial was itself a War Crime. This had naturally given grave offence to the US, had in effect called them murderers.77 " Thus Justice Pal stood little chance of success against a pro American stooge.
Pakistan Missions abroad did a lot of work diplomatic level to seek support for Zafarullah. At the commencement of the Annual Session of the General Assembly in 1954 the situation in the Security Council was that of the five member states who had promised their support to the India candidate Turkey, the SEATO ally made a shift.
The result of the ballot was six in favour of Pakistan and five in favour of India in the Security Council and in the Assembly 29 votes were in favour of Pakistan and 32 in favour of India. The Assembly ballot was inconclusive, as 33 votes were needed for an absolute majority, and had to be repeated. In the meantime. it had became known that the Pakistan candidate had obtained an absolute majority in the Security Council. In the repeat ballot in the Assembly, Zafarullah obtained 33 votes and was elected. 78
It was all due to the support provided by the US and Western lobby. G.W. Chaudhary states that the judgeship to Zafarullah at the Hague was bestowed on him as a reward by the US Secretary of State, Foster Dulles for his service in obtaining Pakistan's adhesion to SEATO. 79
By the end of April 1955 he announced to proceed to Europe for treatment. Many Qadianis called it badly timed and a politically motivated mission of the Khalifa undertaken at a critical moment when the community had been suffering from internal crisis and disunity.
A group of Qadiani 'hypocrites', as they were called by Mirza Mahmud's followers, launched an open offensive against the Qadiani 'Khalafat' to assert their position. The Qadiani press referred to their clandestine activities in more than one occasion in a traditionally elliptical manner. On the other hand, the dissidents exposed the misdeeds of Ahmadi 'Rasputin' and prophecised the fall of Rabwah, the Qadiani seat of power. Agents of Khalifat' came out to condemn their activities and warned Qadianis of their 'nefarious designs' specially their move to topple 'Caliphate'.80 The dissidents later formed Haqiqat Pasand Party and based it at Lahore.
The movement soon gained currency and spread in East Pakistan too. Mirza Mahmud wrote a letter to members of Ahmadiyya Jama'at East Pakistan, where dissatisfaction had particulrly been growing over the authority of 'Khalifa'. He advised senior members of his community viz. Daulat Ahmad (Brahmin Barya), Shah Jehan (Decca) and Deputy Khalil-ur-Rehman in particular, not to create disruption and instructed his Jama'at, in general, to disassociate themselves from them. 81
In the first week of May 1955 he left for Syria where he stayed for one week.82 He contacted Chaudhry Muhammad Sharif, the Qadiani missionary in Israel and sent some important messages to Israeli President Ben Zevi and Foreign Minister Moshe Sherot through mysterious channels. On 7 May he moved to Lebanon and after a short stay there he proceeded to Europe. Zafarullah, an international envoy of Imperialism, accompanied him in his journey. Before joining him, Zafarullah met Shah Hussain of Jordan and discussed the issues relating to 'Arab interests.' 83
Qazaq, in his interview to the correspondent of Alyum Cairo narrated the story of his engagement and nikah with Bushra and then exclaimed with sorrow that he had been betrayed. Her brother Mahmud forced him to divorce her as they had already made arrangements of her marriage with Sir Zafarullah. Her parents were paid a sum of 45 thousand pounds and a beautiful house was bought for them in Bustan-ul-Khizer, a posh locality in Damascus. 84
Zafarullah fell in love with her when she came to Qadian Mission, Damascus, to pay respect to Mirza Mahmud who was proceeding to Europe for medical treatment. He also offered her brother an appointment in Pakistan Embassy in Syria. Zafarullah put a ring in her finger and a diamond necklace glittered around her neck when she visited the holy 'hoax' for her engagement. The marriage was solemnized in the Embassy of Pakistan at Damascus.
It may be stated here that the first marriage of Zafarullah took place with his cousin Iqbal Begum. After her death, her sister Rashida Begum was married to him. She also died after a few years. The third marriage was solemnized with Badar Begum of Behar. She gave birth to Amatul Hye, Zafarullah's only daughter. Badar Begum took divorce from Zafarullah.
Zafarullah's marriage with Bushra Rabbani was condemned by the Mufti of Syria. He issued a fatwa against it. Another Syrian scholar Sheikh Muhammad Khair Al-Qadri protested against the arranging of this marriage in the Embassy of Pakistan at Damascus. He called this marriage illegal and against the Islamic law. He said that Zafarullah belonged to a non-Muslim sect, Qadianiyya, which was established and promoted by the British Imperialists to further their ends and to seed the abrogation of Jehad. 85
The Marriage subsequently proved to be a failure and "a most poignant event in Zafarullah's life". Bushra was less in age than his daughter. She later on left him to marry the young scholar son of Michael Naimy, a great Lebanese Christian poet considered equal to Khalil Gibran. She also wrote Naimy's biography. Zafarullah was angelic in his love towards the woman even after she had moved out to live with her lover. There was no emotion even in that, it was purely an intellectual decision, made with the mind rather than feeling " 86
Sir Zafarullah says:
When Ch. Sharif left for Pakistan, the Israeli Prime Minister Ben Zevi sent him a special message to see him before his departure for Pakistan. His eagerness to see Ahmadiyya missionary points to secret understanding and close relations existing between the Zionists and their Qadiani hoodlums. On 28 November 1955 Sharif called on Israel Premier. In a Friday address Mirza Mahmud told his community with an air of pride that the Israeli Premier keenly desired to see Ahmadiyya missionary of Israel. 89
After the arrival of Ch. Sharif from Israel to Pakistan the monthly AlFurqan, Rabwah, published a Special Edition on Propagation of Islam in Palestine. Allah Ditta, editor writes:
The nature of Israeli Qadiani collaboration can be seen from the following extract from Mirza Mubarak Ahmad's book Our Foreign Missions. He is the grandson of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad.
It is an interesting chapter in the history of Ahmadiyya movement that many close associates of Mirza Mahmud not only turned against him but leveled grave charges against him. Ahmadi dissidents, the Realists, so they called themselves, exposed the weaknesses of ailing and semi-insane Khalifa of Rabwah, It was alleged:
The first President of the Haqiqat Pasand Party was Raja Razi, the son of Ali Muhammad, a Settlement Officer in an Ahmadiyya Office. The party published a lot of literature to expose the real character of Qadiani hierarchy and the moral conditions of so-called exponents of 'True Islam'. The real facts are too bitter to be stated here. A serious student of Ahmadiyya Movement cannot overlook this aspect of Qadianism. He has to narrate facts even if they are bitter and distasteful to some zealots.105
Iskander Mirza , as President, adopted the old techniques of dividing the politicians among themselves and using arbitrary powers to establish and consolidate his personal rule. He got rid of Ch. Muhammad Ali, at the same time turned his attention to the Bengalis who were the most vocal opponents of authoritarianism. An artificial crisis was created through the speaker of the East Pakistan Assembly, who disqualified the United Front Government from proceeding with its budget and adjourned the Assembly sine die. This gave the Central Government an excuse to dismiss the provincial ministry of the United Front. President rule was proclaimed in the province on 26 May 1956.
Parliamentary Government was restored in the East Wing on 1st July and Abdul Hussain Shakar formed the United Front ministry. However another crisis was concocted through the Provincial Government. The assembly was prorogued against the wishes of the Chief Minister and the President's rule was proclaimed for a second time on 31 August 1956.
Meanwhile agitation started in West Pakistan against the merger of the four provinces into one Unit. The West Pakistan Cabinet resigned on 20 March 1057 and President's rule was promptly clamped. It was lifted after four months when the former NWFP Inspector General of Police, Sardar Abdul Rashid, became the Chief minister in place of Dr. Khan Sahib. 106
On 11 October 1957 Iskander Mirza succeeded in getting rid of H.S.Suharwardy, who had become extremely popular as Prime Minister in both wings, thus posing a threat to the authority of President Mirza. Inevitably another crisis was cooked up. The Republican Party, Suharwardy's coalition partners, withdrew their support to the Government on the one Unit issue. Suharwardy requested the President to call a special session of the National Assembly in order to seek vote of confidence. The President refused and Shuarwardy was left with no alternative but to resign. Two more cabinets led by 1.1.Chaundrigar and Feroz Khan Noon, followed in quick succession and then Iskendar Mirza gave his final blow to democracy. On 7 October 1958 he assumed the role of a dictator, proclaimed Martial law, dismissed the central and provincial Governments, abrogated the constitution, dissolved the assemblies and appointed the Army Commander, General Ayub Khan, as Chief Martial Law Administrator. Ayub outmaneuvered him to grab power.
During these years (1954-58) Pakistan was an ally of the US Imperialism. It lost its prestige in the Arab World because of its involvement in SEATO and CENTO. President Nasser of Egypt severely criticized these pacts. The Soviet Union accused Pakistan of sharing the aggressive attitudes of the West and strongly supported the Indian stand on various issues especially Kashmir. Pakistan's image was greatly tarnished by the Suharwardy Government. It declined to give active support to Arab Countries against Imperialist-Zionist attack when Jamal Nasser and the forces of Egypt took hold of Egypt. 107
In the year 1957 Qadainis had been actively involved in Pakistan politics through the bureaucracy and pro-western lobby. The involvement was so deep that the Government had to work on a proposal for declaring them a political organization. A well-informed correspondent disclosed in The Muslim, Islamabad: